By Alemayehu
G. Mariam
The
Sandcastles and Dams of African Dictators
All
dictators on the African continent have sought immortality by leaving a legacy
that will outlive them and endure for the ages. But all have inherited the
wind.
Kwame
Nkrumah led the first sub-Saharan African country to gain independence from
colonialism in 1957. Nkrumaism sought to transform Ghana into a modern
socialist state through state-driven industrialization. He built the Akosombo
Dam on the Volta River, at the time considered the “largest single investment
in the economic development plans of Ghana”. He promoted the cult of
personality and was hailed as the “Messiah”, “Father of Ghana and Pan
Africanism” and “Father of African nationalism”. He crushed the unions and the
opposition, jailed the judges, created a one-man, one-party state and tried to
make himself “President for life”. He got the military boot in 1966. He left a
bitter legacy of one-man, one-party rule which to this day serves as a model of
dictatorship for all of Africa. Nkrumah died in exile and inherited the wind.
Gamal Abdel
Nasser sought to create his own brand of Arab socialism and nationalism and
propagated it as a secular Pan-Arab ideology. Using an extensive intelligence
apparatus and an elaborate propaganda machine, he promoted a cult of
personality projecting himself as the “Man of the People.” He built the Aswan
High Dam with Soviet aid. He ruled Egypt in a one-man, one-party dictatorship
and crushed all dissent, particularly the Muslim Brotherhood. Today the Muslim Brotherhood
is in power and Nasserism is in the dustbin of history. Nasser left a legacy of
military dictatorship in Egypt and inherited the wind.
Mobutu Sese
Seko proclaimed himself “Father of the Nation” of Zaire (The Democratic
Republic of the Congo), and became dictator for life. He declared, “In our
African tradition there are never two chiefs….That is why we Congolese, in the
desire to conform to the traditions of our continent, have resolved to group
all the energies of the citizens of our country under the banner of a single
national party.” Mobutuism consisted of the delusional thoughts of Mobutu and
his program of “Zairianization”. He promoted a cult of personality describing
himself as the “the all-powerful warrior who, because of his endurance and
inflexible will to win, will go from conquest to conquest leaving fire in his
wake”. Mobutu built the Inga Dams over the Congo River hoping to create the
largest hydroelectric facility in the world. He left a legacy of kleptocracy
and inherited the wind.
Moamar
Gadhafi proclaimed the “Socialist People’s Libyan Arab Jamahiriya” and ushered
the era of the state of the masses (Jamahiriya). He sought to elevate Libyan
society by reducing it to a massive collection of “people’s committees”. He
brutally suppressed dissent and squandered the national resources of that
country. He launched the Great Man-Made River, the world’s largest irrigation
project and proclaimed it the “Eighth Wonder of the World.” After four decades
in power, the “Brother Leader” and author of the Green Book literally suffered
the death of a sewer rat. He left a legacy of division and destruction in Libya
and inherited the wind.
Idi Amin
Dada, the “Butcher of Uganda” and the most notorious of all African dictators,
imposed a reign of terror on the Ugandan people and sadistically displayed his
tyrannical power to the international press. He pompously described himself as
“His Excellency President for Life, Field Marshal Al Hadji Doctor Idi Amin, VC,
DSO, MC, Lord of All the Beasts of the Earth and Fishes of the Sea, and
Conqueror of the British Empire in Africa in General and Uganda in Particular.”
He built no dams by damned the Ugandan people for 8 years until he was forced
into exile. He left a legacy of death, destruction and ethnic division in
Uganda and inherited the wind.
The “Great
Leader”?
The late
Meles Zenawi, like all African dictators, sought to make himself larger than
life. He was not only Ethiopia’s savior but Africa’s as well. He sought to
project himself as a “visionary leader”, “inspirational spokesman for Africa”
and supreme practitioner of “revolutionary democracy.” Following his death
sometime in late Summer 2012, the propaganda to deify, mythologize, exalt,
immortalize and idolize him became a theatre of the absurd. Hailemariam
Desalegn, Meles’ handpicked titular prime minster, in his speech to the party
faithful in parliament virtually made Meles a lesser god offering blessings of
“Eternal Glory to Our Great Leader.” Even the original “Great Leader” Kim
Il-sung of North Korea achieved no more glory than being “The Sun of the
Nation”. Desalegn promised to consummate his own divinely delegated mission
with missionary zeal: “My responsibility now… is to successfully carry out the
aims and ambitions of a great and notable leader… Following in the footsteps of
our great leader, we will strive to maintain and develop the influential voice
in regional, continental and international forums” and “successfully implement
the aims and vision of our great leader. He was not just a brilliant generator
of ideas: he was, par excellence, the embodiment of selflessness and
self-sacrifice…”
Was Desalegn
talking about Meles or the Man of Galilee?
The Vision
and Legacy of the “Visionary Great Leader”
Like all
African dictators before him, Meles had illusions, delusions and obsessions. He
did not have a grand vision; he had illusions of grandeur. Like Mobutu before
him, Meles had the illusion of building Africa’s largest dam, the so-called
Grand Renaissance Dam, on the Blue Nile at a cost preliminarily estimated
(unadjusted for cost overruns) at nearly USD$5 billion. Experts believe such a
dam if built will “flood 1,680 square kilometers of forest in northwest
Ethiopia, near the Sudan border, and create a reservoir that is nearly twice as
large as Lake Tana, Ethiopia’s largest natural lake…. The current cost estimate
[for the dam] equals the country’s entire annual budget…” Moreover, the dam
“could cut the Nile flow into Egypt by 25% during the reservoir filling period”
and substantially reduce the reservoir capacity of the Aswan High Dam.
According to a document obtained by Wikileaks from the private intelligence
group Stratfor, “Sudan’s president Omer Al-Bashir had agreed to build an
Egyptian airbase in his country’s western region of Darfur to be used for
assaults on The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) should diplomatic
efforts fail to resolve the dispute between Egypt and Ethiopia over Nile
water-sharing.” A legacy of regional war and strife?
Meles did
not have a growth and transformation plan; he had delusional plans of economic
growth and transformation. As I have demonstrated in “The Voodoo Economics of Meles Zenawi”, Meles “has
been making hyperbolic claims of economic growth in Ethiopia based on
fabricated and massaged GDP (gross domestic product) numbers, implying that the
country is in a state of runaway economic development and the people’s standard
of living is fast outstripping those living in the middle income countries.”
When the U.S. State Department reported an average inflation rate (FY
2008-2009) of 36 percent, Meles predicted a decline in inflation to 3.9 percent
in 2009/10. His Growth and Transformation Plan (or what I called
“Zenawinomics”) which I reviewed in my June 2011 commentary “The Fakeonomics of Meles Zenawi”, “is a
make-a-wish list of stuff. It purports to be based on a ‘long-term vision’ of
making Ethiopia ‘a country where democratic rule, good-governance and social
justice reigns.’ It aims to ‘build an economy which has a modern and productive
agricultural sector with enhanced technology and an industrial sector’ and
‘increase per capita income of citizens so that it reaches at the level of
those in middle-income countries.’ It boasts of ‘pillar strategies’ to ‘sustain
faster and equitable economic growth’, ‘maintain agriculture as a major source
of economic growth,’ ‘create favorable conditions for the industry to play key
role in the economy,’ ‘expand infrastructure and social development,’ ‘build
capacity and deepen good governance’ and ‘promote women and youth empowerment
and equitable benefit.’ Stripped of its collection of hollow economic slogans,
clichés, buzzwords and catchphrases, Meles’ growth and growth and
transformation plan is plain sham-o-nomics. A legacy of inflation, economic
mismanagement, crushing foreign debt and environmental destruction?
Meles had no
national vision; he only had a vision of ethnic division. His warped idea of
“ethnic federalism” is merely a kinder and gentler reincarnation of Apartheid
in Ethiopia. For nearly two decades, Meles toiled ceaselessly to shred the very
fabric of Ethiopian society, and sculpt a landscape balkanized into tribal,
ethnic, linguistic and regional enclaves. He crafted a constitution based
entirely on ethnicity and tribal affiliation as the basis for political
organization. He wrote in Article 46 (2) of the constitution: “States shall be
structured on the basis of settlement patterns, language, identity and consent
of the people.” In other words, “states”, (and the people who live in them)
shall be corralled like cattle in tribal homelands in much the same way as the
10 Bantustans (black homelands) of Apartheid South Africa. These tribal
homelands are officially called “kilils” (enclaves or distinct enclosed and
effectively isolated geographic areas within a seemingly integrated national
territory). Like the Bantustans, the Killilistans ultimately aim to create
homogeneous and autonomous ethnic states in Ethiopia, effectively scrubbing out
any meaningful notion of Ethiopian national citizenship. Meles’ completely
fictitious theory of “ethnic (tribal) federalism)”, unknown in the annals of
political science or political theory, has been used to justify and glorify
these Kililistans and impose an atrocious policy of divide and rule against 90
million people. A legacy of ethnic balkanization, political polarization,
brutalization, and sectarian strife?
Under Meles,
Ethiopia became the poster country for international alms and charity and
crushing international debt. During his two decades plus tenure, Ethiopia has
been among the largest recipients of “economic aid”, “development aid”,
“military aid”, “technical aid”, “emergency aid”, “relief aid”, “humanitarian
aid” and aid against AIDS in the world. As I argued in my commentary “Ethiopia in BondAid?”, Meles has successfully
subverted international aid and loans, particularly U.S. aid, to strengthen his
tyrannical rule. A legacy of international aid addiction and beggary?
Corruption
under Meles Zenawi has put Ethiopia on life-support. The World Bank recently issued a 448-page report entitled,
“Diagnosing Corruption in Ethiopia” . The cancer of corruption has
metastasized in the Ethiopian body politics. The Telecommunications Sector of
Ethiopia is in terminal stage:
Despite the
country’s exceptionally heavy recent investment in its telecoms infrastructure,
it has the second lowest telephone penetration rate in Africa. It once led the
regional field in the laying of fiber-optic cable, yet suffers from severe
bandwidth and reliability problems. Amid its low service delivery, an apparent
lack of accountability, and multiple court cases, some aspects of the sector
are perceived by both domestic and international observers to be deeply
affected by corruption.
In the
Construction Sector, “Ethiopia exhibits most of the classic warning signs of
corruption risk, including instances of poor-quality construction, inflated
unit output costs, and delays in implementation.” Corruption in the Justice
Sector “takes one of two forms: (a) political interference with the independent
actions of courts or other sector agencies, or (b) payment or solicitation of
bribes or other considerations to alter a decision or action.” Corruption in
the Land Sector is inherent in the law. “The level of corruption is influenced
strongly by the way policy and legislation are formulated and enforced. For
example, the capture of state assets by the elite can occur through the
formulation of policy that favors the elite.” In other words, the laws are
written to rig the bidding process to give Meles’ cronies, buddies and
supporters a significant advantage so that they can pick up state assets at
fire sale prices. A legacy of endemic corruption?
Meles’
“revolutionary democracy” as an ideology or policy guide never quite
transcended the sloganeering and phrase-mongering stage, but he indulged in its
rhetoric whenever he was overcome by revolutionary fervor. In a seminal
analysis of “revolutionary democracy” and arguably the “first paper to
seriously examine the political programme and political philosophy of EPRDF
based on a review of its major policy”, Jean-Nicolas Bach of the Institute of
Political Studies (Bordeaux, France) in 2011 described “Abyotawi democracy
(revolutionary democracy) [as] neither revolutionary nor democratic.” Bach
argued that revolutionary democracy is a ‘‘bricolage’’ (hodgepodge) of
“Leninism, Marxism, Maoism, and also liberalism” concocted by a “small group of
party ideologists around Meles, and a few agencies.” As an ideology,
“revolutionary democracy” “provides justification for fusing political and
economic power in the party-state run by EPRDF.” A critical “review of party
pamphlets and official party/state discourses reveals the degree to which
revolutionary democracy has become an ambiguous doctrine vis-a`-vis
‘liberalism’” and “remains a powerful fighting tool to exclude internal and
external ‘enemies’.” One commentator recently likened revolutionary democracy to
communism and fascism. Revolutionary democracy is responsible for
delivering a 99.6 percent parliamentary victory to Meles’ party in 2010. A
legacy of rigged and stolen elections and bad governance?
Melesismo:
Meles’ Greatest Legacy
Meles’
singular legacy is Melesismo, a political legacy I foretold in my December 2009
commentary entitled “The Raw Machismo of Power”. Meles perfected
Melesismo– the political art of “My way, the highway, no way… or jail!”
Melesismo reaffirms the ignoble principle that might makes right.
Meles’
worshippers proclaim they are marching in his footsteps with the same reverence
of those who claim to walk in the footsteps of the Man of Galilee. They
ostentatiously display raw machismo invoking the divine power Meles. How little
things have changed? From a legacy of the divine right of kings to a legacy of
the divine rule of a lesser god!
Meles’
worshippers seek to mythologize, canonize and idolize him. But they cannot
reincarnate Meles as the “Messiah”. Even the great Nelson Mandela is undeserving
of “eternal glory”. He said so himself, “I am not a saint, unless you think of
a saint as a sinner who keeps on trying.” Neither saints nor demons deserve
“eternal glory”. Meles will eventually be consigned to the dustbin of history
as nothing more than another petty African tyrant.
Meles’
greatest legacy would have been what he said his legacy would be. In 2007,
Meles said his “hope is that [his] legacy” would be not only “sustained and
accelerated development that would pull Ethiopia out of the massive deep
poverty” but also “radical improvements in terms of good governance and
democracy.” Without radical democratic improvements by Meles’ worshippers,
Meles will be remembered in history as a reactionary petty African tyrant.
Is it
possible for Meleismo to hold the center after Meles? Will Melesismo survive
Meles?
My friend
Eskinder Nega, the personification of press freedom in Ethiopia today, who was
jailed by Meles, was likely right in foretelling the inevitable implosion of
the “EPDRF”. Eskinder wrote, “Scratch beyond the surface and the EPRDF is
really not the monolithic dinosaur as it is most commonly stereotyped. [It has
become] a coalition of four distinct phenomenon: the increasing confusion of
the dominant TPLF [Tigrayan People's Liberation Front], the acute cynicism of
the ANDM [Amhara National Democratic Movement], the desperate nihilism of the
OPDO [Oromo People's Democratic Organization] and the inevitable irrelevance of
the incongruent SEPM [South Ethiopian People's Movement] (a grab bag of some 40
ethnic groups from the southern part of the country).”
Meles was a
man with a mission who confused mission with vision. He has completed his
mission. History will record his legacy to be human rights violation, press
suppression, ethnic division, endemic corruption, obsessive secrecy and a
political culture whose lifeblood is impunity, lack of accountability and
transparency. Shakespeare wrote, “The evil that men do lives after them; the
good is oft interred with their bones…” Scripture teaches that “He that
troubleth his own house shall inherit the wind: and the fool shall be servant
to the wise of heart.” Meles and his worshippers have profoundly troubled the
Ethiopian house and they shall inherit the wind!
Professor
Alemayehu G. Mariam teaches political science at California State
University, San Bernardino and is a practicing defense lawyer.
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