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| An emerging power as a new Meles Zenawi guard |
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| The old guard of Meles Zenawi |
It is being disseminated that a certain group of the
TPLF and Bereket are trying to purge some veteran members of the TPLF. Purges
are not new in the TPLF, but it is a break from the tradition of the TPLF, if a
group has really disclosed its intention before taking an irrevocable measure.
Ambush and
pre-emptive attack
To put it in military parlance, the protagonists behaved as if they had
to ambush their victims. They launched surprise attacks against their victims
whenever the latter list expected the attacks. Another aspect of the tradition
pertains to the fact that the perpetrators used to go over to a pre-emptive
attack, whenever they felt insecure and feared being held accountable for
crimes or feared losing power. Accusing Kinnjit was for instance a pre-emptive
attack. Those who ordered the massacre and those who executed the order after
the election should have been accused, but the killer framed the accusation to
pre-empt his exposition and the mobilization of the people against him. This
also shows that conflict resolutions in the TPLF have always been
zero-sum-games. On the surface, the perpetrators seem to achieve their aims
with dishonest accusations. In reality, it is the use and threat of physical
force (the control of the army) which enables them to implement deceptive
measures which they try to sell as sophistication and smartness.
During the armed struggle, they (the perpetrators) used to inform
others after the fait accompli to justify their measures and silence any
potential expression of any grievances in the case of purges. They kept liquidations
secrete with the exception of that of Teklu. With the murders they committed in
1977/78, the perpetrators succeeded in making the none-CC members of the TPLF
as apolitical as the weapons the latter carry by destroying mutual trust and
instilling a feeling of suspicion and fear amongst the fighters of the TPLF.
The evaluations (Gmgemas) are mainly meant to maintain the atmosphere of
insecurity by forcing everybody control everybody else reciprocally.
A few individuals in the TPLF have been exploiting the lack of a
democratic culture and consciousness amongst the members to maintain their
repressive rule. Such individuals are perpetuating the undemocratic culture. In
this connection, most members of the TPLF are victims, objects of experiment
for tyranny and tools of the oppressors at the same time. The few who are in
charge of the TPLF have the key (an organized and armed force) to control
Ethiopia. They are controlling almost all key positions in Ethiopia that their
dominance is too unjust to be tolerable and sustainable. As this lopsided
ethnic relationship is the objective reality, exposing and opposing it should
be the duty of any democrat. Objectively exposing the repressive and corrupt
practices of the Tigrayan elite is not an attack on the people of Tigray. But
there are also people who generalize. On both sides, some generalize
deliberately, others innocently or due to their inability to differentiate.
Now, coming back to the alleged split, Sebhat Nega, in an interview
with Dawit Solomon of Fnote Democracy (posted on 31 January 2013 in zehabesha)
has said part of the truth, in saying that the TPLF has never experienced a
split. The whole truth is that there were splits in the leadership, but no
splits of the whole organization, because the none-CC-members have neither the
right to make decisions nor the right to get information on the issues prior to
the decisions. Generally, armed undemocratic organisations (like fascists,
Stalinists and religious fanatics), do not split, because the leaders do not
inform their members about their differences of opinion and let the members
freely discuss as well as take sides on the issues. What the perpetrators do
always is take measures on the dissidents and spread lies about them. And this
was what the leadership of the TPLF has been doing so far.
Sebhat is trying to hide the fact that the TPLF is too undemocratic
even to split. The clique which controls the TPLF cannot tolerate any
differences of opinion even within itself and that is why it subordinated
itself to a single tyrant. Of course, a split would certainly have entailed
war, since no independent groups would have tolerated each other. If the Sebhat
clique were sincere and had confidence in the correctness of the decisions it
arrived at, it would allowed the members of the Front to participate in the
process of decision making. Since the clique is used to depriving its own
members of their rights, it is depriving all Ethiopians of an alternative and
harassing the opposition.
After speaking a single sentence with a partial truth, Sebhat resorted
to his lies. He claimed that he and his cohorts are used to discussing as long
as it takes, to iron out their differences. Meles gave a similar disinformation
in the summer of 1998 while he, in violation of the regulations of the
organization, was preparing to purge almost half of the members of the CC of
the TPLF. The example Sebhat gave about a long discussion with Ghidey Zeratsion
is utter nonsense. Ghidey and Aregawi, while expressing their opinions within
the CC, were not aware that the Meles/Sebhat clique was preparing to get rid of
them and there were no formal discussions amongst members not belonging to the
CC on the issue before the purges. One of the reasons for the expulsion of
Ghidey was his mild opposition to the Marxist rhetoric (the tactic not the
strategy) so that the aid from the West may not be affected. The whole
rhetorical jargon and the aim were totally abandoned after his expulsion.
In a similar manner, the claim by Sebhat that incompetent members are
expelled does not correspond to the truth. The victims are mainly those who
empress their opinions. By the way, why should incompetence, if that were the
case, be a crime? Why are individuals who served the TPLF suddenly treated as
enemies? The truth is, while incompetent people can be marginalized without
being incriminated through elections in a democratic organization, those who
control the TPLF are interested in blind loyalty so that they can maintain
their power and their economic advantages. Differences of opinion within an
armed organization and differences between armed organizations in Ethiopia are
resolved eventually by intrigues and force and/or the threat of it. No major
organization waging an armed struggle has restrained itself from going to war
against any other in the recent past in Ethiopia. Therefore there is no basic
difference between the feudal lords of the era of the princes and the present
war mongers when it comes to attempts at monopolizing power by force. In spite
of the similarities in intolerance, the present politicians are more
hypocritical than the feudal lords of the past; because the present ones
understand the concept of democracy and pay only lip service to it unlike those
of the past who lived in an era in which democracy was unknown in the region.
Even in the absence of modernity, Emperor Yohannes and King (later Emperor)
Menilik were unique in their tolerance of each other and in avoiding war
between them. Those who are agitating ethnic enmity should learn from the responsible
behaviour of both emperors.
Who are the contending groups, if there are
any?
We can talk about the groups, irrespective of whether or not the
individuals have formed groups. One alleged group is supposed to include
Sebhat, Abay, Seyoum, Tsegay and Qedusan. The first three (they will henceforth
be called the trio.) are the most veteran, but also responsible for many cases
of crimes against humanity and corruption. They were the individuals along with
Meles who started their career in the armed struggle with an anti-Ethiopian and
undemocratic obsession. They wrote a manifesto for the secession of Tigray from
Ethiopia and undemocratically kept other members of the TPLF in the dark about
the content. Despite their manifesto, they ironically became the rulers of
Ethiopia and continued committing crimes.
If the other group includes Bereket, he is a liability to his group.
Azeb can get sympathy from some Meles Voodoo (spirit) worshipers. For critical
minds, Azeb is a negative symbol of corruption linking her husband, the trio
and a few others. The fact that Azeb, without a corresponding qualification
controls EFFORT, such a business conglomerate worth billions of dollars and the
fact that she is the only female member of the politburo of the TPLF is an
evidence of nepotism. Since Azeb got her position by virtue of being the wife
of Meles, Meles was involved in this act of corruption. Pardon! He was involved
in his own words, in acts of pervasive rent seeking and patronage, as is also
the case with his political corruption of claiming an election victory
exceeding 99% of the seats. EFFORT, which came into being with stolen
(withheld) aid money, is basically a colossal evidence of the corruption of the
TPLF mafia clique. (A propos aid, the best way for a fair distribution of aid
under the rule of the EPRDF is to make an arrangement for the opposition and
the EPRDF to mutually control each other. It is impossible for the donors to
control the abuse of aid by the EPRDF).
Several people have proposed that EFFORT should be controlled by
external auditors. But I think any attempt at controlling is useless as long as
our people are not free. It is only with the prevalence of freedom that any
control can make sense.
Notwithstanding the facts mentioned above, it is worth pointing out
that many young Ethiopians have been so indoctrinated by the monopolized media
outlets that they don’t perceive the evilness of the incumbent.
In my opinion, those who attack emperors Yohannes and Menilik – the
former mostly muslin extremists the latter narrow ethnic nationalists -belong
to the most destructive elements amongst Ethiopians. I was shocked when I heard
a person in the current Affairs pal talk room, on 13 February 2013, expressing
his Schadenfreude at the barbaric beheading of emperor Yohannes by the
dervishes. The attack on emperor Menilik revolves around his alleged policy of
dividing Tigrayans. This accusation should have been buried at least after the
Tigrayans on both sides of the Mereb came to power and consolidated the
division.
Possible results of the conflict
Abay woldu, in an angry speech after the death of Meles, had implied
some sort of a conflict. If his anger was provoked by the suggestion that the
loyal dissidents like Tsadkan should be readmitted into the TPLF, it does not
make sense. His fear could not have been caused by the reintegration of the
dissidents, but rather by the danger that someone would manipulate and dominate
the TPLF to his disadvantage.
Some latecomers in the TPLF leadership positions cannot, with the
presumption of innocence, be considered as criminals (by commission). A single
tyrant is not controlling Ethiopia for the first time in our modern history and
that is in itself a welcome development; although the whole system has yet to
be changed for the better. The new initiative of an open conflict may be
resolved in several ways and entail different outcomes or it may bring nothing.
The best solution would be for all members of the EPRDF, as a whole, to
eventually participate in free discussions, get rid of the criminal and corrupt
elements and democratically elect a new leadership. Is this a wishful thinking?
That may be the case, but it is worth wishing, provided those who can make the
change, especially the unprivileged members who make up an overwhelming
majority of the army share the wish of abolishing the totalitarian regime and
respecting the rights of all Ethiopians.
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