Sunday, March 31, 2013

Prisoners of conscience in Ethiopia: By Birtukan Mideksa

Al Jazeera

Birtukan Mideksa is a fellow at Harvard University’s WEB Du Bois Institute for African and African American Research and a former prisoner of conscience in Ethiopia.

Birtukan Mideksa a prisoner of conscience now a Reagan-Fascell Democracy Fellow
Birtukan Mideksa

Although Ethiopia has its first new prime minister in 17 years – so far, the government has failed to right a long history of wrongs. With prisoners of conscience still languishing in its prisons, Ethiopia must receive the clear message – especially from allies like the United States – that continued human rights violations will not be tolerated.

My journey to become a political prisoner in Ethiopia began as a federal judge fighting to uphold the rule of law. Despite institutional challenges and even death threats, I hoped to use constitutional principles to ensure respect for basic rights.

But, having witnessed firsthand the government disregard for fundamental constitutional rules, I joined the opposition and became the first woman to hold a high-level position in an Ethiopian political party.

Our party – the Coalition for Unity and Democracy – contested the 2005 elections with a multiethnic platform based on economic liberalism and respect for individual rights. As momentum gathered, many hoped change had finally arrived in Ethiopia.

Eskinder Nega, an Ethiopian journalist who has been imprisoned on anti-terrorism charges for his criticism of the government following the Arab uprisings.
Eskinder Nega and his wife – Serkalem Fasil and their son Nafkot.

But after early reports showed our party ahead in the polls, the government dashed our optimism by throwing me and my colleagues behind bars and declaring a victory for the ruling party.

When I emerged after 21 months in prison, our party was outlawed and the political landscape had grown increasingly repressive. But we forged ahead, forming the new Unity for Democracy and Justice Party and continuing to advocate for dialogue and non-violent political reform in Ethiopia.
Authorities arrested me again in 2008, claiming that I had mischaracterised the circumstances of my release. But peaceful political activities are not the only way to become a prisoner of conscience in Ethiopia.

Independent journalists face the very real threat of imprisonment in response to their work. Authorities have detained my friend Eskinder Nega eight times over his 20-year career as a journalist and publisher.

After the 2005 elections, Eskinder and his wife – Serkalem Fasil – spent 17 months in prison. Pregnant at the time, Serkalem gave birth to a son despite her confinement and almost no pre-natal care.

Banned from publishing after his release in 2007, Eskinder continued to write online. In early 2011, he began focusing particularly on the protest movements then sweeping North Africa and the Middle East.

Eskinder, who does not belong to any political party because of a commitment to maintain his independence, offered a unique and incisive take on what those movements meant for the future of Ethiopia.

Committed to the principle of non-violence, Eskinder repeatedly emphasised that any similar movements in Ethiopia would have to remain peaceful. Despite this, police briefly detained him and warned him that his writings had crossed the line and he could face prosecution.

Then in September 2011, the government made good on that threat. Authorities arrested Eskinder just days after he publicly criticised the use of anti-terror laws to stifle dissent. They held him without charge or access to an attorney for nearly two months.

The government eventually charged Eskinder with terrorism and treason, sentencing him to 18 years in prison after a political trial. Unfortunately, Eskinder is not alone; independent journalists Woubshet Taye and Reeyot Alemu also face long prison terms on terrorism charges.

The legal advocacy organisation Freedom Now, the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention – a five-person panel of experts from around the world that consider individual cases – found Eskinder’s continued detention illegal under international law and called for his immediate release.

The UN specifically found that the government prosecuted Eskinder using overly broad terrorism charges because he exercised his internationally protected right to freedom of expression. It also held that procedural violations, such as denying Eskinder access to an attorney for nearly two months, violated his due process rights.

With this unequivocal finding by the UN, the international community can, and must, do more to help Eskinder and his imprisoned colleagues. In particular, the US, which has a close relationship with government in Addis Ababa, must speak out at every opportunity for those who cannot speak out for themselves from behind the prison walls.

Birtukan Mideksa is a fellow at Harvard University’s WEB Du Bois Institute for African and African American Research and a former prisoner of conscience in Ethiopia.

Follow her on Twitter: @Birtukanmideksa

Saturday, March 30, 2013

The Death of Democracy and a New Level of Tyranny in Ethiopia

Dawit W.Bedada (Norway)

For those who had any lingering doubt about the death and burial of democracy in Ethiopia, a recent incident in Addis Ababa gave all the evidence they might have needed. A few weeks ago, there was a perfectly legal and peaceful demonstration by concerned citizens to protest against the construction—in Italy—of a mausoleum dedicated to the fascist war criminal Rodolfo Graziani. Graziani, also known as “the Butcher of Ethiopia” and “the Butcher of Fezzan (Libya)”, was Mussolini’s viceroy to Ethiopia during the five-year Italian occupation in the 1930s that massacred tens of thousands of Ethiopians with weapons that included poison gas. It would have been very reasonable for any mentally healthy human being to expect the Ethiopian government at least to show some meaningful opposition against any attempt, anywhere, to honor “the butcher”. That didn’t happen; well, far from it.

The peaceful demonstration, organized by Semayawi Party and Baleraeye Youth Association, was planned to start at Martyrs’ Monument and end at the Embassy of Italy in Addis. However, moments after the demonstrators arrived at the Martyrs’ Monument, something totally unexpected happened: the security forces of the regime swiftly arrived on the scene and started confiscating the cell phones of the demonstrators, beating them up, and more outrageously, mopping them up. This was an unmistakable sign that Ethiopia has become a police state, a prison of over 90 million inmates, as it were.

Outrageous as the crackdown on the anti-Graziani protest is, it is hardly surprising, since the regime has been, especially for the past seven years, consistently destroying democratic institutions, opposition parties, and the free press. Elections have become terrible jokes; thousands of innocent citizens are being kidnapped and tortured; independent journalists have been routinely imprisoned and exiled (Ethiopia is one of the worst jailors and exilers of journalists in the world); so-called anti-terror laws criminalize any word or action the regime doesn’t like; high-level, ethnic-based economic injustice and corruption have always been damaging the country.

While any despotic action the regime might take is barely surprising, three conclusions can be drawn from what happened at the anti-Graziani demonstration. First, the political repression in Ethiopia is so ruthlessly effective and efficient that the authority in charge of it is, of all things, a ghost—the ghost of the late tyrant MelesZenawi, whose spirit and influence is still almost everywhere in the nation. There was some belief before the death of Meles that if he had died or somehow relinquished power, Ethiopia would be a better country. Alas, that belief is now proven to have been spectacularly wrong. Things are getting worse at a breathtaking speed.

Second, like many Ethiopians have always been pointing out, the regime will do anything to stay in power. It could be argued that mopping up citizens who were protesting against a common historical enemy of a nation does not help a dictator to stay in power. But that argument would be wrong. The TPLF/EPRDF regime has shown time and again in recent years that it is willing and ready to do anything and everything to terrorize Ethiopians into unquestioning submission.

Third, and most important, the regime has become paranoid. This is simply disturbing. If the incident in question is any indication, banning all public gatherings would be a very small step. Arresting legal, peaceful demonstrators protesting against something the regime should have done everything in its power to stop or reverse is a clear sign that it has begun to be afraid of its own shadow, so to speak. Should anyone be surprised, then, if Ethiopians get deprived of their rights to celebrate Easter, Eid al Fitr, and Mesqel, holidays they have been celebrating by the hundreds of thousands since time immemorial? Should anyone be surprised if Ethiopians are banned from watching sports competitions and from burying their dead? As if the death and burial of democracy and freedom were not enough, we are starting to worry about the possible death and burial of almost all of social life. And we should be forgiven for that.

Ethiopian Foreign Minister fled the scene on foot

The Horn Times Breaking News 29 March 2013
By Getahune Bekele, South Africa

Ethiopian Foreign Minister fled the scene on foot after scuffle with opposition in a South African hotel.


Ethiopian Foreign Minister, Warlord Tedros Adhanom’s 30 meters sprint to a waiting car after being separated from his body guards during scuffle with refugees must have been the most embarrassing moment of his life.
 
He lost his wallet, a note book and his glasses while sprinting like a cheetah.

 The warlord was in South Africa to meet TPLF cadres and supporters at Hyatt hotel in Rose bank near Johannesburg when angry refugees and members of the Ethiopian community association get crashed the gathering which was being attended by less than 50 TPLF cadres out of an estimated 3,000 believed to be living in South Africa.

The rest stayed away fearing the opposition and the reaction of the South African government which unknowingly offered them political asylum.

As the ruling minority junta continues to suffer total rejection by Ethiopians at home and abroad and as guerrilla activities flaring up in northern part of the country, Tedros Adhanom was trying to allay fears that the junta is collapsing when the sound of “freedom, freedom! Let our voice be heard! Death to the TPLF!” began to reverberate inside and outside of the hall.

Realizing the huge presence of the opposition the warlord then panicked and sneaked out through the back door and dashed towards the car with his driver sprinting after him but unable to catch up.

Few refugees gave a mock chase amid laughter and excitement enjoyed by South African on lookers, hotel security guards and staff members of the hotel.

“Your foreign Minister is fit but a coward.” A female hotel employee joked with the Horn Times reporter.

“Look how this decayed junta is scared of its own people. We didn’t come here to make a citizen’s arrest, we are here to confront the warlord about issues of human rights, absconding with his tail between his legs is what we got as an answer.” A refugee who cannot be named for fear of attack on his family back home told the Horn Times.

However, after the shameful exit of the warlord and his entourage a dramatic moment took place at the very same hotel.

The Ginbot-7, and Oromo People Liberation Front (OLF) members together with Muslim Ethiopians and members of the Ethiopian community held an emotional meeting, reaching agreement to stand as one people in the face of increased TPLF atrocities on Ethiopians back home.

The refreshments bought by the Ethiopian embassy for the warlords and TPLF members were consumed by the demonstrators and all TPLF flags and emblems including a huge picture of the dead cannibal Meles Zenawi were confiscated by the refugees.

The meeting was concluded late afternoon by driving past the Ethiopian embassy in Pretoria, about 75 kms away from Rose bank, denouncing the ongoing crack down on Muslim protesters and expressing solidarity with the most persecuted ethnic Amharas.

The terror smitten warlord was still inside the Ethiopian embassy with handful diehard TPLF supporters by the time of going to the press.

Friday, March 29, 2013

Oromo struggle pioneers embrace Ethiopian struggle for justice & democracy

Ethiomedia
March 29, 2013


Leencoo Lataa
Leencoo Lataa, a founding member of the OLF, is now with the ODF
SEATTLE - Pioneers of the Oromo nationalist struggle have mapped out a new path that embraces the struggle of all oppressed Ethiopians for social justice and democracy.

In a statement released to the media on Friday, the Oromo Democratic Front (ODF) emphasized that the destiny of the Oromo people has never been different from the destiny of the rest of the Ethiopian people. The ODF underscored that the interests of the Oromo people are equally shared by the rest of the people of Ethiopia. In a nutshell, the statement said:

"We also believe that the economic and security interests of the Oromo people are intertwined with that of other peoples in Ethiopia. In addition, their geographic location, demography, democratic heritage and bond forged with all peoples over the years make it incumbent upon the Oromo to play a uniting and democratizing role."

The ODF called on various political organizations, including the ruling party EPRDF, to join forces that would guarantee durable peace and stability in the country.


 Following is the full text of the ODF Declaration:
* * * * * *
 
We, members of the Founding Congress of the Oromo Democratic Front (ODF), announce the launching of a new Oromo political movement that advocates justice for the Oromo and all other nations in Ethiopia. The founding of ODF ushers in a new phase in the Oromo nationalist struggle with the objective of working for the transformation of the Ethiopian state into a truly democratic multinational federation equitably owned by all the nations.
 
We are launching this new movement cognizant of the fact that Ethiopia has been, and remains, the prison of nations and nationalities, with the Oromo being one of the prisoners. Today in Ethiopia, domination, repression, discrimination, eviction, denial of religious freedom, humiliation and exploitation of the Oromo and other nations and nationalities have attained new heights. And this needs to come to an end. It is to contribute to this end that we are launching a movement that advocates freedom and justice for all individuals and nations.
 
Our advocacy of justice for all individuals and nationals is motivated by the universal principle that struggling for justice for oneself alone without advocating justice for all could ultimately prove futile because“injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.” 
 
We also believe that the economic and security interests of the Oromo people are intertwined with that of other peoples in Ethiopia. In addition, their geographic location, demography, democratic heritage and bond forged with all peoples over the years make it incumbent upon the Oromo to play a uniting and democratizing role.
 
By taking this proactive and inclusive stand we are heralding the re-articulation of the Oromo struggle for self-determination as the advocacy of justice for all Ethiopians. This measure does not imply the repudiation of the struggle waged to date by the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) but rather to build on its achievements and to open a bold new forward looking chapter.
 
We remain convinced that the struggle for self-determination by the Oromo and other oppressed nations is still legitimate due to the persisting imperial character of the Ethiopian state, which has been stubbornly lingering even after the exercise of political power has passed from one ruling elite to the other.
 
Ethiopia’s enduring imperial legacy can be put to rest, once and for all, by transforming the present Ethiopian state into a genuinely democratic multinational federation. To this effect, we are struggling for the implementation of those principles and processes that would transform all the subject peoples of the Ethiopian state into the empowered citizens of a common federal state that fairly serve their interests, guarantee their collective security, and reflect their diverse identities.
 
This stand of our movement contrasts with the policies of the ruling party as well as those yearning for a return to the previous political order. It also contrasts with the stand of those seeking to implement self-determination in an exclusivist and statist sense.
 
We are convinced that the TPLF/EPRDF’s policy of aspiring to indefinitely remain in power as a vanguard party, which serves as the sole guarantor of “revolutionary democratic unity” while practically subverting the exercise of democracy and federalism is unjust and unsustainable. In fact, this course could culminate in the type of horrendous bloodshed that took place in the aftermath of the breakup of the former Yugoslavia.
   
We are similarly convinced that the aspiration to revive the pre-1991 policy of working to achieve upward homogenization by forging Ethiopia’s diverse communities into a single Amharic-speaking nation through coercive cultural and linguistic assimilation is unlikely to be realized even with major bloodshed. This approach, rather than instituting democracy, would further exacerbates inter communal conflicts and thereby becoming antithetical to harmonious coexistence.
 
Contrary to their lofty pronouncements, the elites that succeeded in ruling Ethiopia to date are fundamentally the same in treating all the inhabitants of the country, including the people, from which they originate, as mere subjects rather than citizens and stakeholders in state affairs. The refusal to recognize in principle and uphold in administrative practice the citizenship rights of all Ethiopians, foremost among which is the right to freely participate in determining how the state is structured and governed, sits at the center of the political contention in Ethiopia.
 
The elite groups that have ruled Ethiopia to date, despite being locked in a fierce rivalry and antagonism, are also united in presuming that they have the right to set the conditions that members of other societies have to fulfill in order to participate in the country’s political life.
 
One of the conditions set by the previous dominant elite is the disavowal of the language and cultural rights of non-Amharic speakers in exchange for their individual rights and liberties while the current ruling elite is violating the individual rights and freedoms of these societies while pretending to uphold their cultural and linguistic rights. Taking all of the above into consideration we here under propose and struggle for the following principles and process that would usher in a new era Ethiopia’s history.
 
On Structuring Ethiopia as a Federation
 
We start from the simple premise that the post-1991 policy of structuring Ethiopia as a federation of its diverse nations is a move in the right direction. The adoption of this policy is attributable neither to the ill-intensions nor generosity of the TPLF but became mandatory as a response to the mounting pressures of the struggles for self-determination by the Oromo and other oppressed nations.
 
The OLF played an active role in proposing the restructuring of Ethiopia into a multinational federation as a means to end the injustices stemming from the imperial character of the Ethiopian state. Unfortunately, implementing a genuine federal order completely contradicted the present ruling elite’s aspiration of emerging and permanently remaining as a new dominant group by simply stepping into the shoes of those that it replaced. We now stand for correcting the aberrations resulting from the abuse of the federation as a policy of domination by the present ruling elite. 
  
Federations serve the purpose of facilitating the simultaneous exercise of self-rule and shared-rule and become necessary in order to reconcile unity with diversity. In the present political dispensation, however, communities exercise neither self-rule nor shared-rule but have been enduring the TPLF/EPRDF’s tyrannical rule for more than two decades. The ruling party directly and centrally micro-manages all communities by pre-selecting its surrogates that the people are then coerced to “elect” at elections that are neither free nor fair. Ending this charade by enabling all communities to elect their representatives in fair and free elections is the only way of finally putting Ethiopia on a path to democracy, stability, peace, justice, and sustainable development.
 
On the Struggle for Self-Determination
 
The official title of Ethiopia has gone from the Empire of Ethiopia to the People’s Democratic Republic and to the current one of Federal Democratic Republic. Despite some of the changes that accompanied these name-changes, the custodians of the state behave as if the country is their imperial inheritance. Consequently, the struggle for self-determination by the Oromo and other oppressed nations remains legitimate.
 
On the Exercise of Self-Determination
 
We aspire to build on the positive aspects of Ethiopia’s current federal set-up. However, to make the simultaneous exercise of self-rule and shared-rule possible it is necessary to remove the procedural and substantive shortcomings that stand in the way of democracy and federalism.
 
This can be accomplished by exercising self-determination in a multidimensional fashion whereby subject nations, in due course, freely elect delegates to their respective state and central constitutional assemblies. When this process is completed, the present “holding together” type of bogus federalism will be transformed into a genuine “coming together” variety. 
 
On the Issue of Unity
 
There are those who perceive themselves as the sole defenders and definers of Ethiopian unity. We reject such a stand since the essential precondition for unity is the emergence of a community of empowered citizens. As we have witnessed for more than a century, invoking a common history, culture or language has not guaranteed unity.
 
We similarly reject the present ruling party’s presumption that it serves as the sole embodiment and defender of the so-called“revolutionary democratic unity.” Such a system has ended in disaster elsewhere. We also disagree with the ruling party’s illusory expectation that the promotion of economic development would serve as an alternative source of unity in the absence of democratic participation.
 
Consequently, we propose and struggle for the alternative of deliberately forging constitutional patriotism by inaugurating and entrenching societal commitment to their shared and separate political institutions as the more promising and enduring uniting factor. We believe that it will be this commitment that will bind the diverse nations into a united political community willing to protect these institutions from internal and external enemies.
 
On Citizenship Rights
 
In order for the present subjects of the Ethiopian state to be transformed into empowered citizens, all their citizenship rights must be recognized and respected. In situations where the simultaneous exercise of self-rule and shared-rule needs to be upheld, citizenship also needs to be entrenched at both the national homeland and federal levels. The bundle of rights that make such a layered enjoyment of citizenship is as follows: 
 
Civic rights; that is, the freedom and inviolability of the person, freedom of expression, freedom of religion, equality before the law and prohibition of discrimination on the basis of gender, race, origins, nationality, ethnicity, religion, etc.
 
Political rights; that is, the right to vote and stand for public office, as well as freedom of assembly, association, and information.
 
Social rights; that is, the right to work, equality of opportunity, entitlement to health services, provision of free education of a high standard to the extent that the resources of the country allow.
Cultural and language rights; the right to take pride in the redemptive aspects of one’s culture, the right to publicize one’s particular history and the right to use one’s language for education, administration, commerce, and the provision of judicial services.
 
On Disentangling the Private Sphere from the Public
 
The elite that have dominated Ethiopia to date have fused public and private institutions in order to advance and serve their partisan and sectarian interests. This shall come to an end by turning all state institutions into the common servants of all regardless of their political allegiance and national identity:
 
The civil service shall be overhauled in order to end its subordination to the ruling party.
The military shall be transformed into a neutral defender of all by enacting a concordance model of civil-military relations.
 
The intelligence services shall not be used for monitoring the political and private activities of citizens.
 
Public media shall come under the supervision of a neutral public authority that oversees their work of providing education, entertainment, and information.
 
On Economic and Social Policy
 
The regime’s economic and social policies leave much to be desired. Its economic policies have exacerbated inequality, eviction from ancestral lands of indigenous populations, and environmental degradation. Its social policies have created deterioration in educational standards, health disparities and massive youth unemployment. In addition, its interference in the exercise of religious freedom has created unwarranted social tension.
 
The ODF stands to correct these lopsided policies and upholds inclusive, balanced and sustainable development aimed at curbing growing inequality, protecting the environment, and advancing the rights of indigenous peoples, and promoting employment. It would promote a mass education policy coupled with the development of technical knowhow and scientific progress. The ODF would also promote a health policy integrating health education, prevention, cure and care measures. Furthermore, it respects and upholds religious freedoms and equality.
 
On Mobilizing Stakeholders
 
We believe that a country-wide movement sharing the preceding vision, principles and policies is indispensable for propelling Ethiopia forward and ending the current political paralysis. To this effect, we will exert all efforts in order to pull together as many advocates and promoters of the interests of diverse social sectors as possible in order to popularize and refine the principles and processes that would transform Ethiopia into a genuinely democratic multinational federation.
 
A call to all Oromo Organizations and Groups
 
We believe that ending more than a century old subjugation of our people should be of a paramount interest than dwelling on trivial political wrangling. The prevailing condition of our people demands the Oromo political organizations and groups pulling together our efforts to strengthen and consolidate our struggle to achieve our people’s national aspiration. Thus, we call upon all of you to join hands with us in strengthening our camp to intensify our legitimate struggle and put an end to sufferings of our people.
 
A Call on TPLF/EPRDF
 
We call up on the ruling regime to reconsider its ultimately counterproductive policy of aspiring to indefinitely stay in power by fanning inter communal and interreligious suspicion and tension. We call on the regime to join us in articulating and implanting policies that create sustainable stability.
 
A call to International Community
 
The ODF calls on the international community and all other friends concerned with the suffering of the Ethiopian people, to stand with us in implementing our vision and proposal of transforming the Ethiopian state to bring peace and sustainable stability in Ethiopia and Horn of Africa.
 
Freedom and Justice for all!!
 
Founding Congress of the Oromo Democratic Front (ODF)
March 27, 2013

Azeb Mesfin: Meles had neither an ID card nor a bank account



PM Meles Zenawi with his wife Azeb Mesfin durng the official opening of the African Union, AU, Summit in Ababa on January 29, 2012. (Photo credit TONY KARUMBA/AFP/GettyImages)
Posted by Awramba Times admin on March 29, 2013 

Delegates of the ninth convention of the ruling EPRDF party have shown their dissatisfaction over a eulogy written for their late leader, Meles Zenawi, while some were critical of the quality of its writing and completeness of the content.

Translated from Tigrigna, the eulogy was first presented to the congress of the TPLF, held in Meqelle two weeks ago, before it was presented to over 1,000 delegates at the conclusion of the ruling coalition’s convention on Tuesday, held in Bahir Dar.

The first to voice such disappointment over the organization of the eulogy and its content structure was Meles’s widow. Elected to the political bureau of the TPLF for the second time and to the all too powerful Executive Committee of the EPRDF, Azeb Mesfin was displeased to see the eulogy incomplete.
Some of the points she argued as missed are Meles’s place, role and the contributions he made as an Editor-in-Chief of the party’s ideological organ, Addis Ra’ey. Azeb feels that the contributions Meles had made in originating the idea of forming a training facility for the rank and file, now directed by Addisu Legesse, and the manual he develop ought to be forcefully underlined.
 
 
Azeb defended her late husband’s legacy in relations to how he had handled the conflict and the subsequent war with Eritrea. Despite condemnations from his political opponents due to his heritage, Azeb told delegates that Meles had never negotiated on the national interests of Ethiopia.

“Not even for a second,” Azeb told delegates rather emphatically.

Azeb described Meles’s conduct during the war with Eritrea in the late 1990s as “extraordinary” in not showing what he had felt of the accusations, but focused on defending his beliefs and political positions regardless.
 She recalled her late husband as perhaps the only leader who had earned a little over 4,000 Br a month in net salary, but fought poverty with courage and resolve, while remaining selfless.

“Meles didn’t have a bank account,” Azeb said. “He had neither an ID card nor a driving licence.”
 These parts, Azeb argued, were not given their proper place in the eulogy, which was read by Hailemariam Desalegn, re-elected to chair the EPRDF twice since the death of Meles in August 2012. Read More from Addis Fortune


 
Azeb Mesfin ''Meles didn't have a bank account''

Thursday, March 28, 2013

Ethiopia's ruling coalition completes transition after Meles : Re-elected Hailemariam Desalegn as chairman

By Aaron Maasho, Reuters, March 27, 2013

BAHIR DAR, Ethiopia (Reuters) - Ethiopia's ruling coalition re-elected Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn as chairman on Tuesday, completing a smooth transition after the death last year of his predecessor Meles Zenawi who kept a tight grip on power for 21 years.

Hailemariam, 47, was appointed premier in September, a month after the death of Meles, who was praised for steering economic growth into double figures but drew criticism from his opponents and rights groups for squeezing out dissent.
Meles's death raised questions about whether his Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), a coalition of four ethnic and regional based parties, would hold together or could come under strain as groups jostled for influence.

Opponents say there is infighting behind the scenes, but there was no indication of major rifts in the four-day meeting of the congress in the northern city of Bahir Dar. Some delegates questioned government policies before a 180-member coalition council voted behind closed doors for Hailemariam.
"The transition has gone smoothly - the first peaceful transition in the history of modern Ethiopia," said J. Peter Pham, director of the U.S.-based Michael S. Ansari Africa Centre at the Atlantic Council think tank.

"Whatever his faults, Meles gave Ethiopia a long period of stability and sustained economic growth," he said, adding there was no evidence of tensions that could break up the coalition.
Meles's policies often involved a heavy role for the state and have delivered strong growth. The economy of east Africa's most populous country is expected to expand by 8.5 percent in the 2012/2013 financial year.

"With the principles set forth by our late prime minister, we will carry on with our efforts to develop Ethiopia," Hailemariam told delegates, sporting a baseball cap emblazoned with the coalition's emblems.
MELES' FOOTSTEPS

The post of chairman usually lasts about two or two and a half years, depending on when the congress is called. Hailemariam had been elected to serve out Meles' remaining months as chief of the EPRDF. Tuesday's re-election formalizes his position.
The prime minister's post runs for five years with the next election due in 2015. But the 547-seat parliament has only one seat held by an opposition politician and the EPRDF's opponents say they continue to be pushed to the sidelines of politics.

Four region-based parties make up the EPRDF - the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front (TPLF), the Oromo People's Democratic Movement (OPDM), the Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM) and the Southern Ethiopian People's Democratic Movement (SEPDM).
Critics pointed to signs of discontent when it took a month after Meles's death to appoint Hailemariam, who also heads SEPDM. They also said his decision to appoint deputies from the three other parties was a ploy to ease ethnic rivalries.

Ruling party members dismissed those accusations.
"The EPRDF is a solid and cohesive party - cohesive in terms of leadership, cohesive in terms of having very clear political and economic programs," said Abraham Tekeste, state minister at the Ministry of Finance and Economic Development.

(Editing by Edmund Blair and Andrew Heavens)

Monday, March 25, 2013

Jawar Mohamed: Diaspora role effective when supporting, and not dictating, home-based struggle



Ethiomedia; March 25, 2013

Political analyst Jawar Mohamed addresses various issues related to civil rights violations in Ethiopia, including the violations of religious freedom of Ethiopian Muslims.

Jawar Mohamed says the role of the Diaspora should be to support the home-based struggle. He said it is immoral to get the job done through others who bear the direct brunt of the repression in Ethiopia, and impractical because the struggle is best effected when one is back home, and not away in a safe, and away from home.


Egypt and Ethiopia Heading Toward a War Over Water - Al-Monitor: The Pulse of the Middle East

By: Mustafa al-Labbad Translated from As-Safir (Lebanon).
 
 
 Girls draw water from a well in El-Halaba, on the rural desert outskirts of the White Nile, March 20, 2013.
 (photo by REUTERS/ Mohamed Nureldin Abdallah)
 
In the coming years, Egypt and Ethiopia may be forced to fight a “water war” because Ethiopia’s ambitions contradict Egypt’s historical and legal rights in the Nile waters. Ethiopia can only be deterred by the regional and international balance of powers, which in recent years has favored Ethiopia.

About This Article

Summary :
In the coming years, the biggest threat for Egypt is a lack of water, and Ethiopia's increasing extraction of water from the Nile may signal a possible "water war," writes Mustafa al-Labbad.
Publisher: As-Safir (Lebanon)
Original Title:
Egypt Is Battling Ethiopia over the Nile Water
Author: Mustafa al-Labbad
First Published: March 18, 2013
Posted on: March 24 2013
Translated by: Rani Geha
Categories : Egypt
For any Egyptian government, Egypt’s water share and securing the Nile’s headwaters are the top national security priorities, irrespective of the Egyptian government’s ideology or domestic policies. This fact is dictated by geography. For thousands of years, Egyptian rulers have been aware how important water is for Egypt. Water is the lifeline of Egypt (97.5% of Egypt is barren desert). Egyptian rulers have always used any means to defend their country’s historic rights to the Nile waters. As Greek historian Herodotus said, "Egypt is the gift of the Nile.” Egyptian civilization, which is one of history’s greatest civilizations, depends on the Nile. To illustrate the Nile’s importance, we should remember that Egypt is the largest desert oasis in the world. Life in Egypt is concentrated on the river banks where 90 million people live. In short, any Egyptian government should have one eye on the Horn of Africa — on Ethiopia, where the source of the Nile lies — and another eye on the Sinai Peninsula and the Levant, and the balance of power there. History has shown that most of Egypt’s invaders entered through that door.

Egypt’s sentries against the country’s internal and external foes have been sleeping on the job. Their first eye failed to notice the developments at the Blue Nile’s source in Ethiopia (the Blue Nile constitutes 86% and the White Nile 14% of the Nile water volume. The two tributaries meet in Sudan before flowing to Egypt). Their second eye had lost the ability to distinguish friend from foe. Now, with the worsening economic crisis and the political deterioration between the ruling Muslim Brotherhood and the opposition, the balance of power is more and more tilting toward Ethiopia, which may unilaterally increase its water usage. That will affect Egypt’s historic rights of the Nile water and cause a serious threat.

In the report below, we will try to shed light on the Nile conflict and on why Ethiopia’s negotiating position toward Egypt has improved. We will end with a recommendation.

The conflict over the Nile waters

The two groups fighting over the right waters are as follows: the first group are the downstream countries, it includes Egypt and Sudan. The other group are the upstream countries which includes Ethiopia, Eritrea, Uganda, Congo, Burundi, Tanzania, Southern Sudan, Rwanda and Kenya.

Egypt depends on the Nile River for 95% of its water needs for drinking, agriculture and electricity generation. The growing Egyptian population is increasingly dependent on Nile water. Egypt has historical rights to these waters under the Nile Water Agreement signed with Britain in 1929. It gave Egypt the right to veto any project in upstream countries affecting Egypt’s share of water flowing to it. It is worth mentioning that the 1929 agreement is binding for the three upstream countries — Tanzania, Kenya and Uganda — on the grounds that Britain, which colonized these countries, was their legal representative and could sign binding international agreements on their behalf.

Egypt codified its legal status in an agreement with Sudan in 1959. The agreement gave Cairo 55.5 billion cubic meters of water (or 66% of the total water flow), which would go to the Aswan Dam, and Sudan received 18.5 billion cubic meters (22%). The remainder, 12%, is lost to evaporation.

The downstream countries argue that they were not a party to those agreements at the time, and therefore do not recognize their legitimacy. The upstream countries want to modify the water-sharing agreement and keep more of the water by building dams, which will directly affect the water share of the downstream states, Egypt and Sudan.

The problem is compounded by the projected large population increase in the Nile basin. The UN projects that the population in the 11 basin states will reach 860 million people by 2050. This is pressuring both sides to try to improve their positions in the conflict over the Nile waters.
In May 2010, Ethiopia drafted the Entebbe Agreement to modify the historical and legal basis for the sharing of water. Most upstream countries supported the agreement but Egypt and Sudan refused it. It is true that the Entebbe Agreement is not legally binding for Egypt and Sudan, but it does show that Ethiopia is aware of the balance of power and its ambition to impose facts on the ground regarding the construction of dams, which will necessarily affect Egypt’s share in the Nile waters and thus represent an existential threat to Egypt. It is true that Ethiopia cannot force Cairo to sign, but the Entebbe Agreement shows that a major crisis between Cairo and Addis Ababa is on the way. What follows is an explanation of the Ethiopian diplomatic attack on Egypt and Sudan.

The geopolitical framework strengthens Ethiopia’s position

In recent years, the geopolitical framework has clearly shifted in Ethiopia’s favor, and it shifted the balance of power between Ethiopia and Egypt. The geopolitical changes that favor Ethiopia can be seen in six key indicators:

First, the disintegration of Somalia, Ethiopia’s traditional rival with which it fought a tough war over the Ogaden region, removed the geopolitical balance facing Ethiopia’s political ambitions in the region. Ethiopia exploited Somalia’s disintegration to strengthen its regional presence in the Horn of Africa. For years, Ethiopia has been “fighting terrorism” emerging from Somalia. Ethiopia has been doing that under an American umbrella from 2006 to 2009 and then again since 2011 until now.

The second indicator is represented by the partition of Sudan into two states: Sudan and South Sudan. That development has weakened Sudan (and thus Egypt) in the Horn of Africa and allowed Ethiopia to participate, since 2012, in the UN peacekeeping forces in the Abyei region, which is disputed between Sudan and South Sudan.

The third indicator is the following: the weakening of Sudan has shifted the balance of power in Ethiopia’s favor. The crisis in Darfur and the international isolation of the Sudanese president (an international arrest warrant was issued against him by the International Court of Justice in The Hague in 2009) has significantly limited Khartoum’s ability to maneuver in the Nile conflict.

The fourth indicator is the improved relationship between Ethiopia and the West in general, and between Ethiopia and the US in particular, after Addis Ababa emerged as a reliable partner in the Horn of Africa. Every year, Ethiopia gets $4 billion in military, development and food assistance. But the matter is not limited to direct aid. The West has started looking at Ethiopia differently in regard to development projects, such as the construction of dams in Ethiopia. The West had opposed such projects for decades because they were considered a threat to regional security.

The fifth indicator is about China. China is Ethiopia’s primary trade partner and Beijing has expressed willingness to finance a dam construction in Ethiopia and offered Chinese expertise in building large dams. China wishes to have a foothold in the region. There is oil in South Sudan and the Congo has mineral resources.

The sixth indicator is the weakening of Egypt’s political weight in the Horn of Africa. Egypt has no role in Somalia and was not even a key party in the negotiations between Sudan and South Sudan. Egypt’s preoccupation with internal matters is weakening its ability to confront regional and international players, such as China. Even though Egypt is the biggest market for Chinese goods among the 11 basin countries, China has favored other considerations over Egyptian priorities and Egypt’s rights in the Nile waters. So much so that China has offered its technological expertise in constructing dams, which is a complete disregard to Egyptian rights. What will Egypt do about all that? Only God knows.

A recommendation

In the coming years, Egypt and Ethiopia may be forced to fight a “water war” because Ethiopia’s ambitions contradict Egypt’s historical and legal rights in river waters. Ethiopia can only be deterred by the regional and international balance of powers, which in recent years has favored Ethiopia.

The government of Hisham Qandil (an irrigation expert, not a diplomat, legal expert or strategist) seems unable to manage such a complex issue with legal, political, economic, military and international aspects. His government is unable to solve everyday problems that are less complex, such as security, traffic, and fuel and food supplies. This portends dire consequences for Egypt.

What is needed is a way to manage the crisis and use Egyptian soft power toward Ethiopia, especially the Coptic Orthodox Church, which is the Ethiopian Church’s mother church. It is necessary to form a fixed Egyptian team to manage this highly sensitive issue. The team should go beyond party affiliation and include leading Egyptian Nile specialists. Ideological or religious affiliation should not be a factor in choosing that Egyptian crisis team. What is important should be the capabilities and competencies of the team members, who will come from the “clay” of the country, not from a particular group, party or political current. Clay, to those who don’t know, is what Egyptians call their country’s soil, which is a fertile soil resulting from the mixing with the Nile water.

Will Egyptian President Mohammed Morsi realize the seriousness of the situation and deal with that issue as a major national matter and quickly implement the required policies and procedures, or will he hesitate, as usual, and go down in history as someone who squandered the historic rights of Egypt and its future generations?


Sunday, March 24, 2013

Tigray Economics and Ethiopian Politics

By Teklu Abate; March 23, 2013

During the last two decades, Tigray has occupied the minds of Ethiopians. That EPRDF’s (the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Party) creator, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), is native to Tigray explains all the discourses. Ordinary conversations, media reports, and developments on the ground all seem to testify that Tigray is being preferentially and positively treated in all fronts.

It is known that TPLFities dominate Federal government offices including the military and security apparatuses. It is public discourse that people from Tigray take a significant number of scholarships being offered by top western universities. Compared to the other regional governments, Tigray presumably outachieves in nearly all economic indicators and measures. In a way, Tigray is said to be the ‘pampered child’ of the ruling party.

The question is: to what extent these assertions hold water? That TPLFities have a grip on power is never contentious. Elusive and less grounded was the argument related to Tigray’s overall economic performance. How and to what extent the region performs economically compared to other regions? This was never answered authoritatively only until we happened to get a new empirical study conducted by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).

The National Economy

 

In its January 2013 book entitled Food and Agriculture in Ethiopia: Progress and Policy Challenges, the IFPRI provided “…empirical evidence to shed light on the complexities of agricultural and food policy in today’s Ethiopia, highlight major policies and interventions of the past decade, and provide insights into building resilience to natural disasters and food crises” (http://www.ifpri.org/publication/food-and-agriculture-ethiopia).

According to the IFPRI, the editors of the book, Paul Dorosh and Shahidur Rashid “tell the story of Ethiopia’s political, economic, and agricultural transformation”. The overall conclusion of the book is that Ethiopia is seeing better economic performances and that the agriculture development-led strategy is “sound”. “In fact, since 2001 the per capita income in certain rural areas has risen by more than 50 percent, and crop yields and availability have also increased. Higher investments in roads and mobile phone technology have led to improved infrastructure and thereby greater access to markets, commodities, services, and information” (IFPRI website).

It is interesting that Ethiopia is making developments in several key areas. This must be duly acknowledged and commended. Praising good beginnings and criticizing malfunctions should be the business of any reasonable and responsible citizen. There is no doubt that infrastructure is developed and productivity is improved. What is unfortunate is that the high cost of living (with double-digit inflation) is neutralizing the changes brought about. Although per capita income increases, purchasing power alarmingly deteriorates, putting households in a near perfect gain-loss scenario. Of course, the degree of income distribution at household and regional levels is also not even. The government and its sympathizers and the opposition should not exclusively focus on the amount of national income and rate of inflation, respectively. Both need to be considered for a meaningful characterization of our national economy.
 

Tigray Economy

 

The most important part of the book that caught the attention of media is, however, the one related to the comparative economic performance of Tigray. Compared to other regional governments, Tigray is performing pretty better in nearly all indicators and measures including access to and utilization of fertilizer, irrigation, technology, infrastructure, and crop production. The difference between Tigray, Amhara, Oromoia, and Southern Ethiopia is, according to the IFPRI ubiquitous and substantial.

The important question to ask is not why Tigray grows faster and stronger but how it does that. Meaning, given common macro-economic policy, how does Tigray outperform other regional governments in infrastructure development and crop production? It is well known that the weather and topography in Tigray are not any better conducive for crop production- we have there many arid, rocky and mountainous areas. In fact, one finds hectares and hectares of arable and fertile land in the other regions. It is difficult to argue that the labor force in Tigray is much more skilled and productive compared to in those other regions. The only significant factor that should explain at least much of the variation must be related to the degree of investment made. Tigray must have enjoyed the highest resource pool over the last yesteryears. And this seems in direct parlance with the popular cry that the region is the ruling party’s favorite stop for its economic train.

This is hard to refute. Some members of the top TPLF leadership have been talking to what extent Tigray is progressing. The most recent account is one which came from Azeb Mesfin. She eloquently talked of Meles’ vision and plan to turn Tigray into a truly industrial zone in just few years. The opposition and other people interpreted this as a mere political maneuvering made to create tensions between the Tigray people and the other Ethiopians. To me, her talks just talked of the truth.

Generally, the fact that Tigray is found to be the most ‘prosperous’ region in Ethiopia has serious ramifications. Seen from compassionate and moral grounds, it is good to see that part of the country to make improvements, for it ‘hosted’ several wars that involved Ethiopians and foreigners. Citizens from all parts of Ethiopia participated in heroic wars but Tigray, in addition to its soldiers, suffered a lot in terms of infrastructural damage and environmental and psychological realms. If all the investments took into consideration this reality of Tigray, it sounds justifiable. However, it would have been more edifying and blameless had it been done in absolute clarity, transparency and based on national consensus. 
 

Implications

 

That Tigray is economically leading the other regions means a lot. The IFPRI’s finding could be used by all interested stakeholders as a solid base of evidence in support of the structural inequality persisting in the country. The difference between Tigray and the other regions is as psychological and moral as it is economical. Meaning, it is morally wrong to grow one region faster than others. The difference could also stimulate and sustain psychological uneasiness between Tigryans and other Ethiopians. The already worrisome psychological climate might get intensified. Moreover, Ethiopians might have hard time discriminating between the ruling party and ordinary Tigryans. To the many, TPLF might mean Tigryans and Tigryans might mean TPLF. This hitherto hard-to-refute-and-accept perception might now look grounded. This situation in turn might force innocent Tigryans to identify with TPLF. That in the end means a protracted and undifferentiated struggle between TPLF/Tigryans and the rest of Ethiopians and would unnecessarily complicate matters. All these psycho-moral tensions might be considered barriers for future peace and cooperation between Ethiopians.
 

What to do

 

Empirical studies naturally appear credible and authentic. The comparative study reported by the IFPRI is likely to be considered a yardstick to measure how regions in Ethiopia perform economically. All stakeholders must see the case seriously to avoid any unnecessary complications. The government, the opposition, the media, Tigryans and the entire Ethiopian population must face the reality. The government must accept the reality and demonstrate its readiness to treat all regions fairly in the future. Bluffing and/or getting rough on this issue would not do any good. The educated, regardless of their political affiliations, would be influential in creating a common platform for all Ethiopians based on the reality on the ground. Workshops, seminars, conferences and/or publications that involve and consider the government, the opposition, Tigryans, and all other people are crucial.

Tuesday, March 19, 2013

Ethiopia 'blocks' Al Jazeera website

By Aljazeera; March 19, 2013

Al Jazeera’s English and Arabic websites are reported to have been blocked in Ethiopia, raising fresh fears that the government is continuing its efforts to silence the media.

Though the authorities in Addis Ababa have refused to comment on the reported censorship, Google Analytics data accessed by Al Jazeera shows that traffic from Ethiopia to the English website had plummeted from 50,000 hits in July 2012 to just 114 in September.

Traffic data revealed a similar drop for the Arabic website, with visits to the site dropping to 2 in September from 5,371 in July.

A blogger, who cannot be identified for his own safety, said Ethiopian censors had been targeting Al Jazeera since the Qatar-based network began airing coverage of ongoing protests against the way in which spiritual leaders are elected in the Horn of African nation.

The steep decline in web traffic began on August 2 last year, the same day that Al Jazeera Mubasher aired a forum with guests denouncing the government's "interference" with Muslim religious affairs, and three days after Al Jazeera English published an article detailing deadly ethnic clashes between two of the country's southern tribes.

Attempts by Al Jazeera to get an official response from authorities failed.

Poor track record

Ethiopia is ranked 137 out of 179 surveyed nations on the latest Press Freedom Index of Reporters Without Borders (RSF), an international advocacy group for press rights.

Both RSF and the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) have tied Ethiopia's deteriorating media environment, in part, to a 2009 anti-terrorism law that has been used to sentence 11 journalists since its ratification.

"The usage and practice of this law is illegal. It has a clause that makes whoever writes about so-called terrorist groups, which are mostly normal opposition groups, a terrorist," CPJ's East Africa Consultant Tom Rhodes told Al Jazeera.

"Now it's got to the point that the law is being used to label those in the Muslim community conducting peaceful protests to defend their right to choose their spiritual leaders as terrorists. It's a sad state of affairs."

CPJ says Ethiopia is the second-highest jailer of journalists in Africa after neighbouring Eritrea, were seven journalists are currently detained.

Both the RSF and CPJ have expressed concern over reports that the country has begun using much more sophisticated online censorship systems over the last year, including ones that can identify specific internet protocols and block them. Since Ethiopia's government owns the sole telecommunications provider in the country, Ethio Telecom, it allows authorities to tightly control internet freedom.

The selling of Ethiopia

By Yilma Bekele; March 18, 2013


Actually that statement might not be true. We do know our country is being sold but we have no idea if the bidding has been open or closed. We have sold almost all of Gambella, we have leased half of Afar and Oromia has been parceled out bit by bit. Our Beer factories are under new owners, our gold mines belong to the fake Ethiopian sheik, Telephone is under the Chinese and our Airlines is looking for a suitor. Have we always looked for outsiders to own us?

Not really when you consider that we celebrated the victory at the battle of Adwa a few weeks back and that was the mother of all wars that made it clear this African country is not for sale. We might not have contributed much to the industrial revolution but we did manage to rely on our own ingenuity to follow along and do things our own way. You might not believe this but there was a time when Ethiopians actually used to be involved in making stuff from scratch. You think I am making things up don’t you? I don’t blame you because today you cannot even come up with one name that stands out as an Ethiopian entrepreneur, go getter or someone that shines like the north star based solely on his own sweat and blood.

The things that were accomplished by earlier Ethiopians are all around us but we don’t see them. All the things the current government brags about have their roots in the yester years they so much condemn and brush off. I don’t know where to start but here we go. Let us start with hospitals. Bella Haile Selassie (Bella),Leelt Tshay (armed Forces), Paulos, Haile Selassie Hospital (Yekati 12), Balcha, Ghandi, Tikur Anbessa, Ras Desta, Minilik etc. The vast majority of the doctors were Ethiopians, the hospitals were clean, well equipped and you don’t even have to take your own sheets and blankets.

How about Hotels? Ethiopia, Ghion, Wabi Shebele, Ras, Bekele Molla were the premier destinations. They were owned and operated by Ethiopians. When it comes to Ethiopian Airlines the Pilots were proud Ethiopians and the technicians were the envy of Africa. The Imperial government built the Airlines from scratch. Trans World Airlines (TWA) was a partner until we were able to train and staff our own and we did manage to do that.

If we talk about agriculture we did manage to establish the Sugar estates of Metehara and Wonji not to mention Setit Humera, the wheat and corn fields of Arsi, the fiber plants of Sidama and the cotton fields of Awash Valley are testimonial to our ingenuity. The sixties saw the emergence of the new educated Ethiopians that raised the bar of excellence.

The establishment of Africa Hall was how Africans showed respect to our Emperor and our old history when they choose Addis Abeba as the head quarter for the continent. The University at sadist Kilo was a gift to his people by the Emperor and it was a spectacular success. All the teachers were highly educated Ethiopians and the graduates were the pride of our country.

Why am I discussing such subject today? It is because two items reported by the media caught my eye a few days back. Both are an assault on our sovereignty and our ability to grow our own economy by Ethiopians for Ethiopians. Heineken a Dutch conglomerate is building the biggest brewery in Ethiopia and Guangdong Chuan Hui Group from China is given 41,000 Sq. meter of land to construct hotel and industrial complex. The way the story is being reported we should be jumping with joy. What could be better than those two benevolent multi nationals investing so much in our poor destitute country?Is that how we should look at it? Is there another aspect to this story? In order to see the
pros and con of the question posed In front of us it would have been nice if there has been a nationwide discussion to see if the plan makes sense when it comes to our homeland. That is how smart decisions are made. Open and vibrant nationwide discussion regarding such important issues that impact our national economy and our people’s well-being assures a better outcome.
 
That usually is not the case in our country. There are no checks and balances. There is no independent legislative body and the judiciary is a government tool. A single party the TPLF controls all and everything in the country. Our political leaders have no faith in the ability of the people to know what is good for them. That is why they approach their job as being a ‘baby sitter’ and are constantly fretting about what the people hear and read. Decisions are made by a few TPLF politburo members to be approved by the rubber stamp Parliament. Anyone that questions such a decision is branded as enemy of the people and dealt with.
Let us start with our beer story. You know beer is nothing but European Tella. It is bottled fancy and costs a little bit more. How long ago do you think we acquired the idea of brewing for a larger crowd? Eighty years ago my friend! St George brewery was started in 1922. Meta Abo Brewery was founded in 1963. Meta Abo was a partnership between government and private capital and started with a base capital of 2million Birr. The military junta nationalized both and the current TPLF Woyane regime inherited them with the rest of Ethiopia. What do you think these successive regimes did with our own old industry and land? Did they build on what was started? Did they reinvest the profit to make the enterprises bigger and better? Did they run our industries, enterprises and farms in a responsible and judicious manner?
 
Both St. George and Meta Abo are no more Ethiopian enterprises. BGI (an internationally acclaimed Brewing Company that operates in many countries.??) bought St George in 1998 for US 10 million ‘through foreign direct investment’(??) Meta Ambo was sold to Diego Industries-a British congalmorate for US 225 million. Heineken a Dutch multi-national acquired 18% of Bedele and Harar breweries for US 163 million in 2011. Raya Brewery an idea that has not materialized yet but promoted by Lt. General Tsadkan W.Tensai and investors such as Yemane(Jamaica) Kidane and other TPLF officials sold 25% interest to BGI for 650 million Br and invited Brewtech a German company as a partner.
 
As you can see the TPLF regime collected close to US 400 million from the sale of our home grown breweries. By all imagination that is chump change when you consider the ownership is lost and the profit for eternity belongs to the foreigners. Is this a good way to grow a national economy? Has it been done before or is this another of that failed ‘revolutionary democracy’ pipe dream?
 
BGI, Diego or Heineken are investing in our country to realize profit for their shareholders. What is our country getting out of this? The beer manufacturing business is a highly automated enterprise so it is not about job creation. Most if not all of the high paying managerial jobs will be occupied by the parent company. The malt, barley and other ingredients are imported and are considered a trade secret. We all know about creative accounting thus I am sure our country does not even benefit from the profit because the bookkeeping is rigged to minimize taxes. 
   
Let us not even think of technology transfer since we cannot learn what we have already mastered. Remember we have been brewing beer since 1922. I will tell you what we got out of this unequal relationship. We as a people got royally screwed. The TPLF party officials got paid plenty for their pimping effort. The regime in its insatiable appetite for foreign currency bought a few months of respite to purchase oil, wheat, cooking oil etc. to postpone its inevitable collapse.
 
There are certain things we know how a growing economy with a nationalist government operates. We have seen how China, India, Malaysia, Brazil and other emerging economies handled their growth potential. They use what is known as subsidy to protect their infant industries from foreign predators. They allowed investment where technology transfer will bring benefit to their people but shielded their home grown industries from foreign competition.
 
Why do you think the TPLF bosses are interested in selling our sovereignty? I doubt it is because they are anti-Ethiopian even though the late evil PM used to suffer from inferiority complex when it comes to central highlanders. I believe it is because of their ‘get rich quick’philosophy. They are in a hurry to accumulate before their Ponzi scheme comes crashing down. According to the UN billions of dollars are leaving our country. They are buying properties in the US and Europe, sending their children to expensive schools abroad and vacationing in exotic places with the money they steal from our country.
 
What are we the victims doing about this rape and pillage of our resources and the degradation of our national pride? I am afraid other than insistently talking there is nothing more most of us are doing about it. Why do you think that is so? I could think of a few things but ignorance comes to mind first and foremost. Our ignorance prevents us from connecting the dots and looking at the bigger picture. Our misplaced pride does not allow us to listen to others and learn to be able to formulate better solutions to our problems.
 
Today we have a population that is not familiar with its history. Sixty four percent (64%) of our people are under twenty five years old while twenty nine percent (29%) are under the age of 54 years. We have a toxic population on our hands. Those under twenty five grew up under the Woyane regime where being an Ethiopian is taken as a liability. While those under fifty four are the result of the Derge era of undermining religion, family, and stability. Ninety three (93%) of our population is a fertile ground for evil Woyane to plant shame, doubt and insecurity about being Ethiopian.
 
It is this population that is sitting on the side and cheering the selling of their country. For most people what bothers them is not what is lost but they spend endless energy to get a piece of the action. In Ethiopia stealing, lying, being part of a criminal enterprise is encouraged by the regime. When the recently dead Meles Zenawi said ‘even being a thief requires being smart’ he was giving a green light to his cadres and the population at large. The so called Diaspora is the number one enabler of the criminal Woyane machine. They use their new found riches to bribe Woyane so they could acquire stolen land to build their flimsy unsustainable condominiums and spend endless nights worrying if the next highest bidder will in turn take it away in broad day light.
 
This is exactly the reason we are having a problem forming a united front to get rid of this cancerous body in our midst. This is the reason even in exile we are unable to form a democratic, inclusive and worthy association that will benefit the many. The ninety three percent are in need of education in civic affairs and a dose of what it means to love your neighbor as you would love yourself.
 
May be it is the lords way of teaching us little humility and humbleness as he did with the children of Israel when he left them to wonder for forty years in the wilderness so they know what is in their heart. It is a choice we have-to be humble or perish due to pride.