Thursday, February 28, 2013

የሕወሐት ፍጥጫ ቀጥሏል

“አሁን ያለው ሕወሐት ቆዳ ነው” -- እነ ስብሃት ነጋ

“የሕወሐት ወራሾች እኛ ነን” -- እነ አባይ ወልዱና አዜብ

(ከኢየሩሳሌም አርአያ)

ሁለት ቦታ የተከፈለው የሕወሐት አመራር ልዩነቱን በማስፋት እየተወዛገበ መሆኑን ከመቀሌ ታማኝ ምንጮች ገለፁ። ስብሃት እና አዜብ የሚመሩት ሁለቱ ቡድን አነጋጋሪ አቋም ይዞ መውጣቱን ምንጮቹ ጠቁመዋል። በስብሃት ነጋ የሚመራው ቡድን ባስቀመጠው አቋም« መለስ ሕወሐትን ገድሎ ነው የሔደው! አሁን ያለው ሕወሐት ቆዳ ነው። ጥያቄው ግልፅ ነው፤ ሕወሐት መቀጠል አለበት.. ወይስ የለበትምሲሉ በድርጅቱ ቀጣይ ሕልውና ላይ ጥያቄ አሳርፈዋል። ከዚህ በተቃራኒ የቆመውና አባይ ወልዱ፣ አዜብና ከጀርባ በረከት ስምኦን ያሉበት ቡድን በበኩሉ « የሕወሐት ወራሾች እኛ ነን፤» ሲል ለነስብሃት ምላሽ መስጠቱ ታውቋል። በተጨማሪ በሁለቱም ቡድኖች በልዩነት ነጥብ ተደርጎ የተወሰደው በ1993.ም ከፓርቲው የተባረሩት አመራሮች « ይመለሱ» « አይመለሱም» የሚለው እንደሚገኝበት ተጠቁሟል። የሁለቱም ጐራ ፖለቲካዊ ግብ አንዱ ሌላኛውን ገፍትሮ ከሜዳው ማስወጣትና ፓርቲውን ብሎም አገሪቱን በፈላጭ ቆራጭነት ለመቆጣጠር ያለመ እንደሆነ አንድ የፓርቲው ቅርብ ሰው ጠቁመዋል።

በፓርቲው በተለኮሰው ስር የሰደደ ፖለቲካዊ ፍጥጫ ካድሬው ለሁለት ተከፍሎ ሲነታረክ መሰንበቱን ምንጮች ጠቁመዋል። በፓርቲው አባላት « አደገኛ» የተባለውን ይህን ፍጥጫ መሰረት በማድረግ በቴውድሮስ አድሃኖምና ብርሃነ ገ/ክርስቶስ የሚመራ ቡድን ራሱን« የአስታራቂ ሽማግሌዎች ቡድን» በሚል ሰይሞ ባለፉት ቀናት ሲነቀሳቀስ መቆየቱን ገልፀዋል። ሆኖም ሁለቱን ጎራዎች አቀራርቦ ለማነጋገርና ለማስማማት የተጀመረው ጥረት በሁለቱም በኩል በሚታየው አክራሪ አቋም ምክንያት ተስፋ ሰጪ ሁኔታ እንደማይታይ ምንጮቹ አስታውቀዋል። አሁንም ድርድሩ መቀጠሉን ምንጮቹ አልሸሸጉም።

የሕወሐት ሕልውና አጣብቂኝ ውስጥ በገባበት በአሁኑ ወቅት በሌላ ጐራ የተነሱ ወጣት የፓርቲው ካድሬዎች ባነሱት ጥያቄ ፥ ሁሉም አንጋፋ አመራሮች ከድርጅቱ እንዲለቁ ጥያቄ ማቅረባቸውንና ይህን ለማድረግ ፈቃደኛ ካልሆኑ ግን ሕወሐት ሊፈርስ እንደሚችል ማስጠንቀቂያ ጭምር መስጠታቸውን ምንጮቹ አያይዘው ገልፀዋል።

በተያያዘም « ጉባኤ ይጠራ» በሚል በካድሬዎች የቀረበውን ጥሪ እነ አባይ ወልዱና አዜብ ያሉበት ቡድን ውድቅ እንዳደረገው ታውቋል። አባይና አዜብ የሚመሩት እንዲሁም ትርፉ ኪዳነማሪያም፣ ሃድሽ ዘነበ፣ አለም ገ/ዋህድ፣ በየነ ምክሩ፣ ተክለወይኒ አሰፋና ሳሞራ የኑስ የተካተቱበት ቡድን በጉባኤው አሸናፊ ሆነው እንደማይወጡ ከወዲሁ በማመናቸውና በነስብሃት በኩል ከፍተኛ ሃይል እንደተደራጀባቸው ጠንቅቀው ስለተረዱ ነው ሲሉ የጠቆሙት ምንጮቹ አክለውም ሳሞራ በመከላከያ እጣ ፈንታቸው ተመሳሳይ መሆኑን በማመናቸው ከነአዜብ ጋር ተሰልፈው እንደሚገኙ ገልፀዋል።

የበላይነትን እየያዘ ነው የሚባለውና በስብሃት የተደራጀው እንዲሁም በደብረፂዮን የሚመራው ቡድን አብዛኛውን የማ/ኮሚቴ አመራር በዙሪያው ያሰባሰበ ሲሆን ከነዚህም፥ አዲስአለም ባሌማ፣ አርከበ እቁባይ፣ ቅዱሳን ነጋ፣ ፈትለወርቅ፣ ፀጋዬ በርሄ፣ አባዲ ዘሙ፣ ሃ/ኪሮስ ገሰሰ፣ ተ/ብርሃንበዋንኛነት እንደሚገኙበት ምንጮቹ አመልክተዋል። የሽማግሌው ቡድን ስብስባ እንደቀጠለ ተጠቁሞዋል።

(ከኢትዮሚድያ ዝግጅት ክፍል - ያለን መረጃ እየሩሳሌም አርአያ ካቀረበችው ዘገባ እጅጉን የተለየ ነው። እንደኛ እምነት ሽማግሌው ስብሃት ነጋ ከአልሞትኩም ባይ ተጋዳይነት አልፎ በነ አዜብና በረከት የሚመራውን አዲስ እና እየተጠናከረ ያለውን ጉልበተኛ ቡድን የሚፈታተን ምንም አይነት ኃይል የለውም።)

ኢትዮሚድያ - Ethiomedia.com, February 27, 2013
 
ለተዛማጅ ዘገባ የሚከተለውን ገጽ ያንብቡ፦
 

Wednesday, February 27, 2013

Ethiopian leader very present 6 months after death

By Kirubeal Tadesse, Associated Press

February 27, 2013
ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia (AP) — Ethiopia's long-ruling leader died half a year ago, but it seems Meles Zenawi still holds on to power. In the capital, his face looks down from hundreds of posters plastered on walls, and government representatives vow to implement the late Meles' vision without alteration.

Meles, who held tight control of the country since 1991, died Aug. 20 at the age of 57. A major U.S. counter-terrorism ally, Meles was credited with uplifting the country's poor, but he was condemned for human rights abuses and crushing the opposition.
Since his sudden death, Meles' pictures and past statements have become commonplace throughout Addis Ababa, the capital, and smaller cities and towns.

"Our great leader ... we will never forget you!" reads one gigantic billboard erected in the capital's main street.

An upcoming meeting of the congress is billed as an opportunity to achieve goals, speed up development and build democracy "based on the vision of Meles." That vision can be boiled down to two things: economic advancement, and a tight hold on political power.

While Meles has many fans in Addis Ababa, some residents feel the six-month lionization has gone on too long.
"During the news of his death and funeral, all the pictures and tributes were understandable and also fitting as a lot of people wanted to celebrate a man's life who had left a clear mark in the nation's history," said resident Adey Derbew.

"But now ... when you see such a sustained campaign spearheaded by the government, you wonder what it is really about. I think it actually hurts the people's confidence in the government as the current leaders are saying that their best one is gone," she said.
State-run media still carry headlines of officials vowing to follow the late leader's visions in all sectors, ranging from pastoralist area development projects to efforts to modernize the country's military.

Meles long insisted he wanted to create a developmental state with his ruling party dictating the country's fate. Meles said the opposition would undermine the country's constitution if they get the chance. An untold number of opposition leaders were jailed during his rule.
"You are allowed, as they say, until you become a 'clear and present danger' to public institutions," Meles said to the lone opposition member of parliament.

 A number of projects and activities, including the country's national soccer tournament, have been named after Meles in recent months.
On Jan. 17 the parliament issued legislation to establish The Meles Foundation. The upcoming foundation will include a mausoleum where the body of the late premier will rest and be visited by the public. Officials say the foundation premises will also showcase the late leader's writings and documentary videos done on his life, while promoting research on developing states and green economies.

Ethiopia's new leader, Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, also continues to praise Meles in all of his major speeches both at home and abroad.

Following Meles' death, the country saw its first ever peaceful power transfer. Though the power transition went smoothly, Hailemariam has three deputies, each from the other three parties of the ruling coalition. That was not the case for Meles, who was a founding chair of the ruling party and accompanied by a low-profile deputy. Meles was re-elected to the position and premiership several times, always unchallenged.
Hailemariam's leadership is unlikely to be challenged anytime soon. Next month when some 2,500 ruling party elites and supporters meet for a congress in a regional town, Bahir Dar, he is expected to be re-elected as party chairman. Senior officials back in September, however, announced that Hailemariam can serve only two terms as prime minister.

The memory of Meles will also cast its weight on the decision. The head of the secretariat of the ruling party, Redwan Hussein, told journalists on Thursday that the congress will serve "to renew commitment, to achieve the goals, to speed up development and build democracy based on the vision of Meles."
Some observers of Ethiopian politics are concerned that Meles' policies are sticking around too long, such as suppression of the free press.

The country's largest weekly, Feteh, and the opposition paper Finote Netsanet were forced off the market last year after the state-owned Berhanena Selam printing company refused to continue printing them. Charges against the editor of Feteh, Temesgen Desalegn, were dropped during Meles' funeral, but those charges were revived last month.
"Hailemariam has thus far perpetuated the policies of late Meles Zenawi in limiting the growth of independent media in Ethiopia," said Mohamed Keita, Africa Advocacy Coordinator of the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists. "But he still has an opportunity to show strong leadership. He holds the power to remove Ethiopia from the list of nations in Africa with journalists in prison."

Tired of the lack of opportunity to gain political traction, leading opposition parties have decided to boycott local elections due in April.
"Thirty-three opposition parties have demanded the election be carried out properly and for the electoral board to be neutral and independent. We wanted to talk about this . they said no," said Girma Seifu, the lone opposition member of parliament. "So we said in that there is no point of contesting, as these people are determined to have themselves elected by any means. There is no competition; it is only the ruling party's candidates that are contesting the seats, so there is no real election."

Jorda rundt for fri TV


90 millionar menneske i Etiopia har éin tv- og radiostasjon - kontrollert av regjeringa. Tamagne Beyene reiser jorda rundt for å samle inn pengar til den uavhengige kanalen Esat.
Sakset fra: Klassekampen 26. februar 2013
Skrevet av: Magnhild Folkvord


Lengeverande flyktningar frå Etiopia fryktar tvangsutsending og kjempar for retten til å bli i Noreg, slik som sjuåringen Nathan Eshete og foreldra

hans. På same tid reiser ein annan etiopiar Europa rundt for å samla pengar til ein kringkastingsstasjon som kan gi annan informasjon til folk i Etiopia enn dei får via regjeringskontrollerte media.

Festkveld

Sia 2005 har Tamagne Beyene vore heiltidsaktivist for Ethiopian Satellite Television (Esat). Han gjennomfører no ein turné i Europa for å skaffa pengar.

Meir enn 500 etiopiarar samla seg til ein stor festkveld da Beyene besøkte Oslo for eit par veker sia. Somme av dei hadde reist langt, frå asylmottak langt unna hovudstaden. Hovudføremålet med Beyene sitt Oslo-besøk var å samla inn pengar til den frittståande tv- og radiostasjonen Esat, som når over heile Etiopia og kan følgjast via internett rundt omkring i verda.

Beyene har bak seg ein karriere som komikar og underhaldar i Etiopia. I 1996 vart han arrestert fordi styresmaktene mislikte noko av innhaldet i ei framføring han hadde. Ikkje lenge etter flytta han til USA, der han no bur med familien sin.

Intoleranse

Esat-aktivisten fortel om eit regime i Etiopia som ikkje tolererer ulike meiningar.

- Fram til 2005 hadde vi ein heil del ulike aviser. No er det ingen toleranse for ulike meiningar, berre eitt parti og berre éin tv-stasjon. 150 journalistar har forlate landet, seier han til Klassekampen.

Han er uroleg for situasjonen i heimlandet og over at eit land som Noreg gir økonomisk støtte til regimet.

- Noreg støttar korrupsjon og kriminalitet. Norske styremakter må opna auga og sjå om dei støttar folket eller regimet i Etiopia, seier Beyene.

- Vår oppgåve er å skaffa informasjon og arbeida for toleranse. Greier vi ikkje det, blir det borgarkrig. Regjeringa, som representerer ein etnisk minoritet, promoterer splitting. Det er ein farleg situasjon. Ein må vera medlem av regjeringspartiet for å få jobb, seier han og legg til at hovudvekta for Esat ligg på nyhendesendingar, men det blir også sendt underhaldningsprogram.

Vellykka tiggarferd

Den frittståande tv- og radiostasjonen Esat, som har sine viktigaste basar i Amsterdam og Washington D.C., har vore på lufta sia 2008, men ikkje utan problem.

- Vi må samarbeida med eit satellittselskap, leiga ein kanal og betala for den, forklarer Beyene og legg til at både den etiopiske og den kinesiske regjeringa har prøvd å blokkera Esat.

- Kina investerer i å kontrollera heile Afrika. Dei støttar den etiopiske regjeringa og bryr seg ikkje om menneskerettar, seier han.

Erfaringa så langt er at etiopiarar som er busette utanfor heimlandet sluttar opp om Esat i stor grad.

I 2012 vart det samla inn 120.000 dollar berre i Australia.

- Denne rekorden vil vi slå. Målet er å få 5000 personar til å binda seg til å gi 20 dollar i månaden, forklarer Esat-aktivisten.

Frå Oslo reiste han vidare til både München, Frankfurt, Amsterdam, London og Brussel.

Følgjer Esat sine sendingar dagleg

Nizualem Beza
Foto: Morten Holm/Scanpix

Bizualem Beza, etiopiar og menneskerettsaktivist, har vore i Noreg i elleve år. Han er ein av mange som dagleg følgjer med på Esat sine sendingar via internett.

- Fordi vi har Esat kan vi få vita kva som skjer i Etiopia. Regimet veit at informasjon er viktig på alle måtar. Dei stengjer ute alle frie medium og bruker millionar på å blokkera uavhengig informasjon.

Både internasjonale journalistar og organisasjonar som Human Rights Watch blir hindra i å gjera jobben sin i delar av landet, seier Beza til Klassekampen.

- Esat kan verka som eit eineståande tiltak i medieverda?

- I nabolandet Kenya kan media operera fritt. Men i Eritrea, der si­tuasjonen i hovudsak er den same som i Eti­opia, finst det ikkje noko liknande, seier Beza.

På arrangementet i Oslo vart det samla inn nesten 300.000 kroner til Esat.

- Når mange papirlause greier å bidra til ei slik innsamling, seier det noko om kor viktig Esat er. Det var elles ikkje berre etiopiarar og norske støttespelarar som gav pengar. Det gjorde spesielt inntrykk på meg at ein afghansk gut kom med 500 kroner, seier Beza.

Han er sjølv ein av mange som også gir ein fast sum til Esat i månaden


magnhild.folkvord@klassekampen.no

ወያኔ ቅዠት እንጂ ራዕይ የለውም!

በመቅደስ አበራ (ከጀርመን)

ትላንት የተናገሩትን ዛሬ፤ ዛሬ የተናገሩትን ነገ የማይደግሙ ከሀዲ አንባገነን እና ዘረኛ ቡድኖች የስልጣን ኮረቻ በሀይል ከተፈናጠቱበት እለት ጀምሮ የተለያዩ የማወናበጃ ዘዴዎችን እየተጠቀሙ የበርካታ ንጹሀን ዜጎችን ህይወት ቀጥፈዋል አስቀጥፈዋል፡፡እንኳን እንደጠላት የሚቆጥሩትንና በመርሃ ግብራቸው ነድፈው መጥፋት አለበት ብለው የፈረጁትን ህዝብ ቀርቶ አርነት እናወጣሀለን እያሉ ክእናንተ በመፈጠራችን ኮራንባችሁ የሚሏቸውን የትግራይን ንጹሀን ዜጎች ሳይቀር የራሳቸውን የስልጣን ዕድሜ ለማራዘም ውድ ህይወታቸውን እንዲገብሩ አድርገዋል፡፡ የሀውዚንን ጭፍጨፋ አቀናብረዋል፣በ1991ዓ.ም በኢትዮጵያና በኤርትራ መካከል በተደረገው ጦርነት ከ70000 በላይ የጠርነቱ ሰለባ ሁነዋል፡፡አልሻባብን ለመደምስስ በሚል በሶማሊያ በረሃ የረገፉትን ወታደሮች ቤት ይቁጠራቸው፡፡ስልጣን ለወያኔ ከምንም ነገር በላይ ነው፡፡ ስልጣን ከሉአላዊነት፣ከባህር በር ፣ከሀገርና ከህዝብ እንደሚበልጥባቸው ከመጀመሪያው ጀምሮ የወሰዷቸው እርምጃዎች ማሳያ ናቸው፡፡የገንዛ ሀገሩን ቆርሶ ለሱዳን የሚሰጥ፣የባህርበር አያስፈልገኝም የአሰብን ወደብ ውሰዱት፣ኤርትራ እንድትገነጠል ፈቅጃለሁና እውቅና ስጡልኝ እባካችሁ እያለ የአለም መንግትታትን የተማጸነ፣የገንዛ ዞጎቹን አፈናቅሎ ለውጭ ባለ ሀብቶች መሬታቸውን የሚሰጥ፤የሀገሪቱን ሀብት ለተደራጁ ወንበዴወች የሚያስዘርፍና የሚዘርፍ፤ሌሎች የኢትዮጵያ ህዝቦችን አጥፍቼ ታላቋን ትግራይን እመሰርታለሁ ብሎ የሚንቀሳቀስ አንባገነን እንዴት ያለ ሀገራዊ ራዕይ ነው የሚኖረው፡፡

ዘረኛው መንግስት በተለያዩ ጊዜያት እንዱን ብሄር በሌላው ብሄር ላይ በማነሳሳት በመቶ ሺዎች የሚቆጠሩት ከመኖሪያቸው ተፈናቅለው ሀብትና ንብረታቸውን ተዘርፈው ለከፍተኛ ችግር ሲዳረጉ በብዙ ሺዎች የሚቆጠሩት ደግሞ ለእልፈት ተዳርገዋል፡፡የፖለቲካ ፓርቲዎችና ጋዜጠኞችን በሽብር ስም እያሰረ ንጹሀንን ሲያሸብር ቆይቷል፡፡በርካታ ፓርቲዎች በሰርጎ ገብ ሰላዮች የተነሳ ይዘውት የተነሱትን አላማ እና የህዝብ አደራ እዳር ሳያደርሱ በጅምር ቀርተዋል፡፡በወያኔ መሰሪ ተንኮል በተቀነባበረ ሴራ ጦርነት ውስጥ ያልገባ ክልልና ብሄር ባይገኝም ውጤቱ እንደሚፈልጉት ስላልሆነላቸው እና የኢትዮጵያ ህዝቦችም ባላቸው አርቆ አስተዋይነትና ረጅም ጊዜ በሰላም አብሮ የመኖር ባህሉ በመታገዝ የፕሮፖጋንዳቸው ሰለባ ባለመሆናቸው ለወያኔዎች ትልቅ ራስ ምታት ጥሮባቸዋል፡፡እስካሁን ሲጫወትበት የነበረውን ካርድም እንዲቀይርም ተገዷል፡፡ አዲሱ የመጫወቻ ካርድም ከብሄር ግጭት ወደ ሐይማኖታዊ ግጭት ለማሸጋገርም የሚያስችለውን “ጀሀዳዊ ሀረካት”የተሰኘ ዘጋቢ ፊልም በመስራት ከ1500 አመት በላይ አብረው የኖሩትን ሁለቱን ታላላቅ እምነቶች ማለቂያ ወደሌለው ጦረነት በመማገድ የስልጣን ጊዜውን ለማራዘም ቢምክርም እናንተ ከመጣችሁት ገና 21 ዓመታችሁ ነው እኛ ደግም ለረጅም ጊዜ በፍቅር አብረን ኑረናል፤ የጋራ ጠላታችን ዘረኛው ወያኔ ነው፡፡እኛ ከእነሱ እንሻላለን አንለያይም እያሉ በየአደባባዮ አንገት ላንገት ተቃቅፈው እየተላቀሱ ቁጭታቸውን ሲገልጹ መመልከት የተለመደ ተግባር ነው፡፡ሰሞኑን ለኢሳት የገቢ ማሰባሰቢያ ፕርግራም ሙኒክ ላይ የታየውም ህብረት የዚሁ አካል ነው፡፡

እንዴት እንደ ኢትዮጵያ ያለች ታላቅ ሀገር እና እንደ ኢትዮጵያውያን ያሉ ቀደምት ህዝቦች እንደ ወያኔ ባሉ ትንሽ ሰዎች ይገዛሉ?እንዴት የአለም ማህበረሰብ በሀሰት የወያኔ ፕሮፖጋንዳ ሲታለል ይኖራል?እስከመቼ ብቻቸውን በምርጫ ተወዳድረው አሸነፍን እያሉ ሲያላግጡ ይኖራሉ? ወያኔዎችስ በቀጣይ ምን የማደናገሪያ ስልት ያመጡ ይሆን? እኔ በበኩሌ በቃ ብያለሁ፡፡ ወያኔ ራዕይ የለውም ኑሮትም አያውቅም፤ ወደፊትም አይኖረውም፡፡የወያኔ ሀገር እና ህዝብ የማውደም ቅዠት እንጂ ሀገራዊ ራዕይ ብሎ ነገር አያውቅም፡፡

በጋራ ጠላታችን ላይ በጋራ እንነሳ!!!

ኢትዮጵያ ለዘላለም ትኑር!

Barack Obama: Failing the African Spring?

By Helen Epstein
The New York Review of Books
February 25, 2013


America’s new drone base in the West African city of Niamey, Niger, announced by the White House on Friday, further expands our counter-terrorism activity in Africa.

It’s also consistent with the militaristic emphasis of the Obama administration’s engagement with the continent. This may help contain the spread of jihadist violence in specific cases, but by failing to address persistent abuses of human rights by our African military allies, America is also undermining its own development investments that are intended to lift millions of people out of poverty and ensure the continent’s peace, stability, and economic growth.
 
The administration’s neglect of human rights in Africa is a great disappointment, since the president began his first term by laying out ambitious new goals for the continent. In July 2009, when his presidency was only six months old, Barack Obama delivered a powerful speech at Cape Coast Castle in Ghana, the point from which millions of African slaves were shipped across the Atlantic. He called on African countries to end the tyranny of corruption that affects so many of their populations, and to build strong institutions that serve the people and hold leaders accountable. The speech seemed to extend the message of his much-discussed Cairo address a month earlier, in which he called for a new beginning for Muslim relations with the West, based on non-violence and mutual respect. Many thought that the policies of the new president, himself of Kenyan descent, would depart from those of the Bush administration, which provided a great deal of development aid to Africa, but paid scant attention to human rights.

After more than four years in office, however, Obama has done little to advance the idealistic goals of his Ghana speech. The US finally suspended military aid to Rwanda last year, after it was forced to accept evidence of Rwandan support for the brutal Congolese rebel group M23, but has otherwise ignored the highly problematic human rights situation in that country. In Uganda, the US looked on for years as President Yoweri Museveni’s cabinet ministers gorged themselves on American and other foreign aid intended for impoverished farmers, war victims, roads, and health care. US diplomats have recently begun expressing support for Uganda’s many oppressed civil society groups, but one wonders what took them so long. Perhaps it has something to do with the fact that Uganda is a vital US military ally in Somalia, where Ugandan troops helped oust the Islamic militant group al-Shabbab from Mogadishu last year.

Meanwhile, Kenya, another important US ally in Somalia that is soon to be receiving drones from the Pentagon, is preparing for national elections on March 4. But some observers say the country is more violent now than it was in 2007, when post-election ethnic clashes left 1000 people dead and caused economic chaos across East Africa. Presidential candidate Uhuru Kenyatta and his running mate William Ruto have both been indicted by the International Criminal Court for crimes connected with those events. It’s not clear what the US will do if Kenyatta wins, but it often seems as if Obama will work with any African leader who furthers America’s military aims, regardless of how that leader treats his own people.

And then there is Ethiopia. Today, Western nations give $3.5 billion a year in aid to Ethiopia, most of it for health care projects, food aid, and other development programs. Of this, the US alone provides roughly $700 million—an amount that has quintupled in the past decade, even as the nation’s human rights record has deteriorated to the point that Freedom House now designates it one of the least free countries in the world. The Ethiopian government has rigged elections, taken control of the economy, and outlawed virtually all independent media and human rights activity in the country—including work related to women and children’s rights, good governance, and conflict resolution. Thousands of political prisoners languish behind bars and dozens of editors, journalists, judges, lawyers, and academics have been forced into exile.

But when Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi died last summer, then-US Ambassador to the United Nations Susan Rice praised him as a personal friend and a “talented and vital leader.” When she remarked that “he had little patience for fools, or ‘idiots,’ as he liked to call them,” some in the opposition believed she was referring to them—and approving Meles’s sentiments. Rice’s support for authoritarian leaders in Africa was highlighted by critics who opposed—and ultimately derailed—her nomination to be secretary of state.

Perhaps most worrying of all is the unwillingness of Obama and other Western leaders to say or do anything to support the hundreds of thousands of Muslim Ethiopians who have been demonstrating peacefully against government interference in their religious affairs for more than a year. (The Ethiopian government claims the country has a Christian majority, but Muslims may account for up to one half of the population.) You’d think a nonviolent Islamic movement would be just the kind of thing the Obama administration would want to showcase to the world. It has no hint of terrorist influence, and its leaders are calling for a secular government under the slogan “We have a cause worth dying for, but not worth killing for.” Indeed, the Ethiopian protesters may be leading Africa’s most promising and important nonviolent human rights campaign since the anti-apartheid struggle.

Yet the United States, along with other major donors to Ethiopia’s government, including Britain, has stood by as women and men have been hideously beaten by police, hundreds have been arrested, eight people have been killed, mosques have been raided by security forces, and twenty-nine Muslim leaders, including lawyers, professors, and businessmen, remain in jail, charged with trying to use violent means to create an Islamic state.

The demonstrations started in late 2011, after the government began forcing Imams to adopt an imported version of Islam. The Ethiopian government has a long history of trying to control civil society groups, including religious orders, by taking over their leadership. In 1992, Meles replaced the Patriarch of the Ethiopian Orthodox Christian Church with a party insider. Many Christians still resent this. In 1995, he replaced the leader of the Ethiopian Islamic Affairs Supreme Council, also known as the “Majlis,” again with someone from his party. Muslims grumbled about this, but did little more.

Then in 2011, on the pretext that the Islamic community was being radicalized by fundamentalist groups, Meles invited a Lebanese Islamic sect known as “Ahbash” to Ethiopia. The group, which was founded in Beirut by an Ethiopian exile in 1983, preaches obedience to government and opposes politicization of religion. All of Ethiopia’s Imams were required to go to meetings to listen to these newcomers, and were threatened with imprisonment if they refused. In the meetings, government officials were invariably present, and would lecture the imams about “Revolutionary Democracy,” the ruling party’s particularly rigid political doctrine. Most Ethiopian imams are volunteers, who work mainly as farmers, teachers, or in other trades to support themselves. But those who resisted taking part in the meetings and refused to preach the “Ahbash” version of Islam soon found themselves replaced by government-appointed, salaried adherents of the new official religion. The imams and their defenders began organizing nonviolent demonstrations that have since spread across the country.

In response, the Ethiopian government has attempted to portray the protesters as jihadists, most recently claiming in a government TV documentary that they are under the influence of Salafist extremists from Saudi Arabia. When a lawyer for the jailed movement leaders told a Voice of America journalist that the documentary undermined the presumption of innocence of his clients, he too was threatened with arrest. If this fear-mongering has been intended to send a message to the US, which supports Ethiopia’s anti-terrorism activities along the border with Somalia, it seems to have worked. Last year, former US Ambassador to Ethiopia David Shinn praised the Ethiopian reaction to the demonstrations, telling Reuters, “The government has done a pretty good job over the years in ameliorating religious differences where there are potentially serious conflicts.”

Ethiopian Muslims and Christians have long coexisted more or less in peace, as they do in Tanzania, Uganda, and other countries in the region. But since the demonstrations started, government officials have tried to infiltrate them and provoke violence among Muslim groups and between Muslims and Christians. It hasn’t worked. In recent months, Christians and secular human rights defenders have even joined in support of the Muslims, and the demonstrations have grown. The demonstrators use Facebook and secure Internet sites to outsmart government censors, and warn people to stay home when they learn that the government intends to plant violent hecklers among them to discredit the movement. When the movement’s leader, Abubakar Ahmed, who had been detained with other protesters (he is one of the twenty-nine awaiting trial), was paraded in chains before TV cameras, protesters showed up at the next demonstration with his picture on their T-shirts, and stood in a phalanx before the police with their wrists crossed, as if they too were in chains.

The Ethiopian protests began around the time of the Arab Spring, when it seemed the Obama administration might finally begin taking human rights in Africa seriously. In late 2011, for example, then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton joined British Prime Minister David Cameron in declaring that their governments would consider penalizing foreign aid recipients, including several African countries, that cracked down on the rights of homosexuals. This rallying to the cause of gay rights would be heartening, if it weren’t for the fact that Cameron and Clinton have done so little to protect everyone else’s rights. Such official statements could even undermine sympathy for the gay rights cause in Africa.

For years, observers have wondered what the US administration’s policy toward Africa really is. Then, three years into Obama’s first term, the White House finally released its first Africa strategy document. It states that the US will “promote strong democratic norms” and “support civil society actors who are creating vibrant democratic models….” But as the situations in Ethiopia, Rwanda, and Uganda make clear, little has been done to further these aims. While continuing most of the development and public health initiatives of the Bush Administration, the Obama administration has given priority to US military aims.

Failing to challenge government corruption and repression undermines economic growth and social development throughout East Africa and beyond, as well the prospects for long term peace and stability. Even our direct military interventions have had dubious results. Experts continue to debate the wisdom of intervening in Libya, but there is no arguing with the fact that it helped rally—and arm—al-Qaeda supporters, who have spread terror to Mali and Algeria and perhaps other West African countries; impoverished Niger agreed to host the new US drone base in part out of growing fear of the jihadism that has spread from Libya.

More than half a century of post-independence African history has shown that focusing on stability, security and development while ignoring democracy and human rights is self-defeating, because it undermines those very goals. The US and other Western donors to Africa must do more to use the many instruments at their disposal to promote the reforms necessary to protect basic freedoms and uphold the rule of law. This will pose diplomatic challenges, but they could start by not turning their backs on peaceful protesters, just when our moral support—at the very least—is most urgently needed. As Czech playwright, dissident, and former president Vaclav Havel put it during the depths of Cold War, “The ‘dissident’ movements do not shy away from the idea of violent political overthrow because the idea seems too radical, but on the contrary, because it does not seem radical enough.” At the time, Western leaders rushed to support Havel and other non-violent activists throughout Europe. Now that Africans are calling for the same thing, why don’t today’s leaders do the same for them?

Tuesday, February 26, 2013

The law is our shield

By Abebe Gellaw

Around two weeks ago, a few members of Ethiopian Current Affairs Discussion Forum (ECADF) Paltalk room members took the initiative of donating money for the legal actions I am to take in earnest against criminal TPLF thugs that have been violating our civil rights guaranteed under U.S. laws and constitutions.

Abebe Gellaw, There is no small fight for justice.In Ethiopia, TPLF agents are above the law; they are untouchable no matter what they do. Those who have killed, maimed, tortured and jailed so many innocent citizens are walking free. Some of these dangerous agents and operatives of the criminal regime come to the United States and Europe seeking refuge and political asylum under false pretense that they were being persecuted by the TPLF. Then they turn against other Ethiopians. They spy, intimidate, threaten and attack anyone vocal against TPLF’s criminal regime.

What I have been subjected to for exercising my civil rights is probably unprecedented in terms of intensity and degree but definitely not unique as so many others have silently endured these kinds of criminality.

We have two options even in the land of the free. We can either endure the criminality of the thugs and terrorists that are out to silence us or confront them in a language they understand better. The legal recourse is of course the most powerful and effective option. In countries where the rule of law is sacrosanct and fully guaranteed, the law is the best shield we have at our disposal against the terrorist and thugs that have already chased us away from our beloved country.

Where there is crime, there is punishment. Having good lawyers to deal with complex crimes committed in various jurisdictions is a must. While pressing criminal charges is necessary, civil litigations will also be part of the push for justice so that those responsible will feel the pains of their criminal behaviors and actions. To that end, we will hire at least two lawyers, one in Europe and another one in the United States, where most of the multiple crimes have been committed.

I am very grateful that some Ethiopians have willingly supported this cause. Since we have started soliciting contributions a week ago, a little over $5000 (as of February 24th) has been collected. The amount is still far less than our target. But we do hope that we will raise sufficient funds in the coming few weeks.

Those who have donated confirmed, as much as I do, that we should not silently ignore criminal attacks, persecution and threats similar to what the people of Ethiopia have to endure routinely. We should do what we can afford collectively.

I would like to take this opportunity to wholeheartedly thank all who have already denoted for this campaign against our tormentors. Your support is very much appreciated.

I should also point out that anyone who has donated can demand financial report at any time to ensure that the money collected for this cause is spent appropriately. We will account for every dime spent.
There is no small fight for justice. Every violation of civil rights must be challenged. A criminal attack and persecution against one is an attack against all.

In case anyone would like to add small contributions, please use one of the following methods.
  1. To donate online through Paypal use the following link Click Here
  2. Deposit at any Wells Fargo branch AG Legal Fund, Acc. No. 3525090746.
  3. Deposit through any Bank of America branch AG Legal Fund, Acc. No. 485010192701
  4. Wire money from any other branches to AG Legal Fund, Acc. No. 3525090746, ABA 121000248.
  5. To transfer money from banks outside of the US: AG Legal Fund Acc. No. 3525090746 SWIFT- WFBIUS6S.
  6. It is also possible to use Western Union to transfer your donations using one of the bank details above.
For further information, please call (001) 5718829882 or email us at: ethlegalfund@gmail.com
Note to potential donors:

This appeal is only for those who believe in our cause for justice and freedom. We do not appreciate donations for the sake of donating. Only donate to causes worth supporting.

I thank so much again! Together we can make a difference. Should you wish progress report, please check file below.

Progress report

http://addisvoice.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/02/agfr.pdf

Monday, February 25, 2013

Ethiopia: The Prototype African Police State

By Alemayehu G. Mariam

The sights and sounds of an African police state

When Erin Burnett of CNN visited Ethiopia in July 2012, she came face-to-face with the ugly face of an African police state:

The sights and sounds of an African police stateWe saw what an African police state looked like when I was in Ethiopia last month… At the airport, it took an hour to clear customs – not because of lines, but because of checks and questioning. Officials tried multiple times to take us to government cars so they’d know where we went. They only relented after forcing us to leave hundreds of thousands of dollars of TV gear in the airport…
 
Last week, reporter Solomon Kifle of the Voice of America (VOA-Amharic) heard the terrifying voice of an African police state from thousands of miles away. The veteran reporter was investigating widespread allegations of targeted night time warrantless searches of homes belonging to Ethiopian Muslims in the capital Addis Ababa. Solomon interviewed victims who effectively alleged home invasion robberies by “federal police” who illegally searched their homes and took away cash, gold jewelry, cell phones, laptops, religious books and other items of personal property.

One of the police officials Solomon interviewed to get reaction and clarification was police chief Zemedkun of Bole (an area close to the international airport in the capital).

VOA: Are you in the area of Bole. The reason I called…
 
Police Chief Zemedkun: Yes. You are correct.
 
VOA: There are allegation that homes belonging to Muslim Ethiopians have been targeted for illegal search and seizure. I am calling to get clarification.
 
Police Chief Zemedkun: Yes (continue).
 
VOA: Is it true that you are conducting such a search?
 
Police Chief Zemedkun: No, sir. I don’t know about this. Who told you that?
 
VOA: Individuals who say they are victims of such searches; Muslims who live in the area.
Police Chief Zemedkun: If they said that, you should ask them.
 
VOA: I can tell you what they said.
Police Chief Zemedkun: What did they say?
 
VOA: They said “the search is conducted by police officers; they [the police] threaten us without a court order; they take our property, particularly they focus on taking our Holy Qurans and mobile phones. Such are the allegations and I am calling to get clarification.
 
Police Chief Zemedkun: Wouldn’t it be better to talk to the people who told you that? I don’t know anything about that.
 
VOA: I just told you about the allegations the people are making.
 
Police Chief Zemedkun: Enough! There is nothing I know about this.
 
VOA: I will mention (to our listeners) what you said Chief Zemedkun. Are you the police chief of the sub-district ( of Bole)?
 
Police Chief Zemedkun: Yes. I am something like that.
 
VOA: Chief Zemedkun, may I have your last name?
 
Police Chief Zemedkun: Excuse me!! I don’t want to talk to anyone on this type of [issue] phone call. I am going to hang up. If you call again, I will come and get you from your address. I want you to know that!! From now on, you should not call this number again. If you do, I will come to wherever you are and arrest you. I mean right now!!
 
VOA: But I am in Washington (D.C)?
 
Police Chief Zemedkun: I don’t care if you live in Washington or in Heaven. I don’t give a damn! But I will arrest you and take you. You should know that!!
 
VOA: Are you going to come and arrest me?
 
End of interview.

Police Chief arrest threat against VOA Journalist
 
 
Meles’ legacy: mini Me-leses, Meles wannabes and a police state

Flying off the handle, exploding in anger and igniting into spontaneous self-combustion is the hallmark of the leaders of the dictatorial regime in Ethiopia. The late Meles Zenawi was the icon of spontaneous self- combustion. Anytime Meles was challenged on facts or policy, he would explode in anger and have a complete meltdown.

Just before Meles jailed virtually the entire opposition leadership, civil society leaders and human rights advocates following the 2005 elections for nearly two years, he did exactly what police chief Zemedkun threatened to do to VOA reporter Solomon. Congressman Christopher Smith, Chairman of the House Africa Subcommitte in 2005 could not believe his ears as Meles’ arrogantly threatened to arrest and jail opposition leaders and let them rot in jail. Smith reported:

Finally, when I asked the Prime Minister to work with the opposition and show respect and tolerance for those with differing views on the challenges facing Ethiopia he said, ‘I have a file on all of them; they are all guilty of treason.’ I was struck by his all-knowing tone. Guilty! They’re all guilty simply because Meles says so? No trial? Not even a Kangaroo court? I urged Prime Minister Meles not to take that route.
 
In 2010, Meles erupted at a press conference by comparing the Voice of America (Amharic) radio broadcasts to Ethiopia with broadcasts of Radio Mille Collines which directed some of the genocide in Rwanda in 1994. Pointing an accusatory finger at the VOA, Meles charged: “We have been convinced for many years that in many respects, the VOA Amharic Service has copied the worst practices of radio stations such as Radio Mille Collines of Rwanda in its wanton disregard of minimum ethics of journalism and engaging in destabilizing propaganda.” (It seems one of Meles’ surviving police chiefs is ready to make good on Meles’ threat by travelling to Washington, D.C. and arresting a VOA reporter.)

Meles routinely called his opponents “dirty”, “mud dwellers”, “pompous egotists” and good-for-nothing “chaff” and “husk.” He took sadistic pleasure in humiliating and demeaning parliamentarians who challenged him with probing questions or merely disagreed with him. His put-downs were so humiliating, few parliamentarians dared to stand up to his bullying.

When the European Union Election Observer Group confronted Meles with the truth about his theft of the May 2010 election by 99.6 percent, Meles had another public meltdown. He condemned the EU Group for preparing a “trash report that deserves to be thrown in the garbage.”
When Ken Ohashi, the former country director for the World Bank debunked Meles’ voodoo economics in July 2011, Meles went ballistic: “The individual [Ohashi) is used to giving directions along his neo-liberal views. The individual was on his way to retirement. He has no accountability in distorting the institutions positions and in settling his accounts. The Ethiopian government has its own view that is different from the individual.” (Meles talking about accountability is like the devil quoting Scripture.)

In a meeting with high level U.S. officials in advance of the May 2010 election, Meles went apoplectic telling the diplomats that “If opposition groups resort to violence in an attempt to discredit the election, we will crush them with our full force; they will all vegetate like Birtukan (Midekssa) in jail forever.”

Meles’ hatred for Birtukan Midekssa (a former judge and the first woman political party leader in Ethiopian history), a woman of extraordinary intelligence and unrivalled courage, was as incomprehensible as it was bottomless. After throwing Birtukan in prison in 2008 without trial or any form of judicial proceeding, Meles added insult to injury by publicly calling her a “chicken”. When asked how Birtukan was doing in prison, Meles, with sarcastic derision replied, “Birtukan Midiksa is fine but she may have gained weight due to lack of exercise.” (When Meles made the statement, Birtukan was actually in solitary confinement in Kality prison on the ridiculous charge that she “had denied receiving a pardon” when she was released in July 2007.) When asked if he might consider releasing her, Meles said emphatically and sadistically, “there will never be an agreement with anybody to release Birtukan. Ever. Full stop. That's a dead issue.”

Internationally acclaimed journalists Eskinder Nega, Reeyot Alemu, Woubshet Taye are all victims of arbitrary arrests and detentions. So are opposition party leaders and dissidents Andualem Arage, Nathnael Mekonnen, Mitiku Damte, Yeshiwas Yehunalem, Kinfemichael Debebe, Andualem Ayalew, Nathnael Mekonnen, Yohannes Terefe, Zerihun Gebre-Egziabher and many others.
Police chief Zemedkun is a mini-Me-les, a Meles wannabe. He is a mini tin pot tyrant. Like Meles, Zemedkun not only lost his cool but also all commonsense, rationality and proportionality. Like Meles, Zemedkun is filled with hubris (extreme arrogance which causes the person to lose contact with reality and feel invincible, unaccountable and above and beyond the law). Zemedkun, like Meles, is so full of himself that no one dare ask him a question: “I am the omnipotent police chief Zemedkun, the Absolute Master of Bole; the demigod with the power of arrest and detention. I am Police Chief Zemedkun created in the divine likeness of Meles Zenawi!”

What a crock of …!

When Meles massacred 193 unarmed protesters and wounded 763 others following the elections in 2005, he set the standard for official accountability, which happens to be lower than a snake’s knee. For over two decades, Meles created and nurtured a pervasive and ubiquitous culture of official impunity, criminality, untouchability, unaccountablity, brutality, incivility, illegality and immorality in Ethiopia.

The frightening fact of the matter is that today there are tens of thousands of mini-Me-leses and Meles wannabes in Ethiopia. What police chief Zemedkun did during the VOA interview is a simple case of monkey see, monkey do. Zemedkun could confidently threaten VOA reporter Solomon because he has seen Meles and his disciples do the same thing for over two decades with impunity. Zemedkun is not alone in trashing the human rights of Ethiopian citizens. He is not some rogue or witless policeman doing his thing on the fringe. Zemedkun is merely one clone of his Master. There are more wicked and depraved versions of Zemedkun masquerading as ministers of state. There are thousands of faceless and nameless “Zemedkunesque” bureaucrats, generals, judges and prosecutors abusing their powers with impunity. There are even soulless and heartless Zemedkuns pretending to be “holy men” of faith. But they are all petty tyrants who believe that they are not only above the law, but also that they are the personification of the law.

Article 12 and constitutional accountability

Article 12 of the Ethiopian Constitution requires accountability of all public officials: “The activities of government shall be undertaken in a manner which is open and transparent to the public… Any public official or elected representative shall be made accountable for breach of his official duties.”
Meles when he was alive, and his surviving disciples, police chiefs, generals and bureaucrats today are in a state of willful denial of the fact of constitutional accountability. (Meles believed accountability applied only to Ken Ohashi, the former World Bank country director.) The doltish police chief Zemedkun is clueless not only about constitutional standards of accountability for police search and seizure in private homes but also his affirmative constitutional obligation to perform his duties with transparency. This ignoramus-cum-police chief believes he is the Constitution, the law of the land, at least of Bole’s. He has the gall to verbally terrorize the VOA reporter, “I don’t care if you live in Washington or in Heaven. I don’t give a damn! But I will arrest you and take you. You should know that!!”

Freedom from arbitrary arrest and detention, unbeknown to police chief Zemedkun, is guaranteed by Article 17 (Liberty) of the Ethiopian Constitution: “No one shall be deprived of his liberty except in accordance with such procedures as are laid down by law. No one shall be arrested or detained without being charged or convicted of a crime except in accordance with such procedures as are laid down by law.” Article 19 (Rights of Persons under Arrest) provides, “Anyone arrested on criminal charges shall have the right to be informed promptly and in detail… the nature and cause of the charge against him... Everyone shall have the right to be… specifically informed that there is sufficient cause for his arrest as soon as he appears in court. Zemedkun is ready to arrest the VOA reporter simply because the reporter asked him for his last name. What arrogance! What chutzpah!
It is a mystery to police chief Zemedkun that arbitrary deprivation of liberty is also a crime against humanity. Article 9 of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights decrees that “no one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention or exile.” Article 9 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights similarly provides: “no one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention or exile.” The deprivation of physical liberty (arbitrary arrest) constitutes a crime against humanity under Art. 7 (e) and (g) of the Rome Statute if there is evidence to show that the deprivation occurred as a result of systematic attack on a civilian population and in violation of international fair trial guarantees. The statements of the victims interviewed by VOA reporter Solomon appear to provide prima facie evidence sufficient to trigger an Article 7 investigation since there appears to be an official policy of systematic targeting of Muslims for arbitrary arrest and detention as part of a widespread campaign of religious persecution. The new prosecutor for the International Criminal Court, Fatou B. Bensouda, should launch such an investigation in proprio motu (on her own motion).

Meles has left an Orwellian legacy in Ethiopia. Police chief Zemedkun is only one policeman in a vast police state. He reaffirms the daily fact of life for the vast majority of Ethiopians that anyone who opposes, criticizes or disagrees with members of the post-Meles officialdom, however low or petty, will be picked up and jailed, and even tortured and killed. In “Mel-welliana” (the Orwellian police state legacy of Meles) Ethiopia, asking the name of a public official is a crime subject to immediate arrest and detention! In “Mel-welliana”, thinking is a crime. Dissent is a crime. Speaking the truth is a crime. Having a conscience is a crime. Peaceful protest is a crime. Refusing to sell out one’s soul is a crime. Standing up for democracy and human rights is a crime. Defending the rule of law is a crime. Peaceful resistance of state terrorism is a crime.

A police chief, a police thug and a police thug state

It seems police chief Zemedkun is more of a police thug than a police chief. But listening to Zemedkun go into full meltdown mode, one cannot help but imagine him to be a cartoonish thug. As comical as it may sound, police chief Zemedkun reminded me of Yosemite Sam, that Looney Tunes cartoon character known for his grouchiness, hair-trigger temper and readiness to “blast anyone to smithereens”. The not-so-comical part of this farce is that police chief Zemedkun manifests no professionalism, civility or ethical awareness. He is obviously clueless about media decorum. Listening to him, it is apparent that Zemedkun has the personality of a porcupine, the temper of a Tasmanian Devil, the charm of an African badger, the intelligence of an Afghan Hound and the social graces of a dung beetle. But the rest of the high and mighty flouting the Constitution and abusing their powers like Zemedkun are no different.

The singular hallmark -- the trademark -- of a police thug state is the pervasiveness and ubiquity of arbitrary arrests, searches and detentions of citizens. If any person can be arrested on the whim of a state official, however high or petty, that is a police state. If the rights of citizens can be taken or disregarded without due process of law, that is a dreadful police state. Where the rule of law is substituted by the rule of a police chief, that is a police thug state.

For well over a decade, international human rights organizations and others have been reporting on large scale arbitrary arrests and detentions in Ethiopia. The 2011 U.S. State Department Country Reports on Human Rights Practices (issued on May 24, 2012) reported:

Although the constitution and law prohibit arbitrary arrest and detention, the government often ignored these provisions in practice… The government rarely publicly disclosed the results of investigations into abuses by local security forces, such as arbitrary detention and beatings of civilians… Authorities regularly detained persons without warrants and denied access to counsel and in some cases to family members, particularly in outlying regions… Other human rights problems included torture, beating, abuse, and mistreatment of detainees by security forces; harsh and at times life-threatening prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention; detention without charge and lengthy pretrial detention; infringement on citizens’ privacy rights, including illegal searches
 
In its 2013 World Report, Human Rights Watch reported: “Ethiopian authorities continued to severely restrict basic rights of freedom of expression, association, and assembly in 2012… The security forces responded to protests by the Muslim community in Oromia and Addis Ababa, the capital, with arbitrary arrests, detentions, and beatings.”

Rarely does one hear human rights abusers publicly showing their true faces and confirming their victims' allegations in such breathtakingly dramatic form. Police chief Zemedkun gave all Ethiopians a glimpse of the arrogant and lawless officialdom of Post-Meles Ethiopia. It is a glimpse of a police state in which an ignorant local police chief could feel so comfortable in his abuse of power that he believes he can travel to the United States of America and arrest and detain a journalist working for an independent agency of the United States Government. If this ill-mannered, ill-bred, cantankerous and boorish policeman could speak and act with such impunity, is it that difficult to imagine how the ministers, generals, prosecutors, judges and bureaucrats higher up the food chain feel about their abuses of power?

But one has to listen to and read the words of those whose heads are being crushed by the police in a police state. When it comes to crushing heads, the modus operandi is always the same. Use “robocops”. In 2005, Meles brought in hundreds of police and security men from different parts of the country who have limited proficiency in the country’s official language and used them to massacre 193 unarmed protesters and wound another 763. These “robocops” are pre-programmed killing machines, arresting machines and torture machines. They do what they are told. They ask no questions. They shoot and ask questions later. Hadid Shafi Ousman, a victim of illegal search and seizure, who spoke to VOA reporter Solomon, recounted in chilling detail what it meant to have one’s home searched by “robocop” thugs and goons who do not speak or have extremely limited understanding the official language of the country:

These are federal police. There are also civilian cadres. Sometimes they come in groups of 5-10. They are dressed in federal police uniform…. They are armed and carry clubs. They don’t have court orders. There are instances where they jump over fences and bust down doors… When they come, people are terrified. They come at night. You can’t say anything. They take mobile phones, laptops, the Koran and other things… They cover their faces so they can’t be identified. We try to explain to them. Isn’t this our country? If you are here to take anything, go ahead and take it…. They beat you up with clubs. If you ask questions, they beat you up and call you terrorists… First of all, these policemen do not speak Amharic well. So it is hard to understand them. When you ask them what we did wrong, they threaten to beat us. I told them I am a university student, so what is the problem? As a citizen, as a human being…Even they struggled and paid high sacrifices [fighting in the bush] to bring about good governance [to the people]. They did not do it so that some petty official could harass the people. When you say this to them, they beat you up…
 
Let there be no mistake. Zemedkun is not some isolated freakish rogue police chief in the Ethiopian police state. He is the gold standard for post-Meles governance. There are thousands of Zemedkuns that have infested the state apparatus and metastasized through the body politics of that country. For these Meles wannabes, constitutional accountability means personal impunity; illegal official activity means prosecutorial immunity; moral depravity means moral probity and crimes against humanity means legal impunity.

Cry, the beloved country

In 1948, the same year Apartheid became law in South Africa, Alan Paton wrote in “Cry, the Beloved Country”, his feeling of despair over the fate of South Africa:

Cry for the broken tribe, for the law and the custom that is gone. Aye, and cry aloud for the man who is dead, for the woman and children bereaved. Cry, the beloved country, these things are not yet at an end. The sun pours down on the earth, on the lovely land that man cannot enjoy. He knows only the fear of his heart.”
 
Cry for our beloved Ethiopia!!

Professor Alemayehu G. Mariam teaches political science at California State University, San Bernardino and is a practicing defense lawyer.

Sunday, February 24, 2013

Be Thankful!


ትዝታ !
 
Be Thankful no matter what has taken place in your life. Just accept it and be thankful of it for it has come to you to give you lesson and it is a blessing after all regardless what it is. Even if it is the death of your beloved, be thankful of the time you had together in this life. Be thankful of friends and relatives who are going away eventhough it might take you years to see them again and know that there is nothing in this life that is yours permanently. Everything comes and goes, so just be thankful for the departed ones and look forward for what is coming ahead.

No matter in which way you look at it but today is a beautiful day, at least you have come this far and you have woken up this morning to see it . Be thankful of it and count it as one of your blessings, not in just in having, in welcoming, in your most joyful days but even in your sorrow, defeats and saying good bye, there is also an equal blessing but it is up to you to accept it and most of the time you will have no choice but to do so.

In this life there are certain things which you cannot change no matter how hard you try, so just accept and be thankful of them and surround yourself with thankfulness. I am not trying to tell you something I do not do; I am more thankful today than I have ever been.

I am also thankful of you and let us be thankful of one another equally. You have been a blessing to me, please do not even doubt that I am so thankful of you my very dear friends.

MP Girma’s Interview with Ruling Party Radio


Ethiopia’s sole opposition member of parliament (MP), Girma Seifu had a live ‘’Hardtalk’’ (ሞጋች) interview with the TPLF owned Fana FM. Please do listen to the ‘’Hardtalk’’ (ሙገታ) below:
 
MP Girma Interview with Radio Fana
 
 
 

Saturday, February 23, 2013

EOTC in Exile issues Statement of Declaration

EOTC in Exile ; February 23, 2013



"ln the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit. Amen"
 
Statement of Declaration from the Leqal Holy Synod of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church in Exile on the Upholding of the Church's Cannon Law and the Return of His Holiness Patriarch Abune Merkorios to the Throne from which He was lllegally Ousted

"Be subject therefore unto God; but resist the devil, and he will flee from you." (James 4:71)

At its 34th biannual conference held in Novemher of 2012 in Columbus, Ohio, the Legal Holy Synod-in-Exile passed a resolution affirming that a special session---a follow-up to the latest peace ond reconciliation efforts within the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewohedo Church --would be held in Los Angeles. Accordingly, the Synod held the meeting on January 7-9, 2013. Following is the Synod's statement of declaratian based on deliberations made at that meeting.
 
Introduction
 
The Ethiopian Orthodox Church has remained true to its dogma and practices for centuries. The Church has passed on its legacy from generations to generations, starting first with the evangelism of Eunuch, the treasurer of Queen Candace of Ethiopia, who went to Jerusalem to worship the God of lsrael, and later through the missionary work of Abba (Bishop) Fremenatos. Venerated highly by religious scholars and experts throughout the world and regarded as the sources of pride and hope by the Ethiopian Orthodox faithful, the Church has sustained its historic existence for the past two thousand years under the blessings and care of God. However, we are not oblivious to the fact that this highly revered Church has also gone through the rough tumults of history over the years. During the last 20 years, in particular, the Church experienced the worst of this turbulence, when it was seriously challenged with a fundamental breach of canonical law that subsequently led to a division within the Church and a deep sense of grief among adherents of the faith. The division came from none other than the illegal dethroning of the reigning Patriarch by the regime and replacing him with another. Subsequently, the division further subjected the Church to undue pressure from external forces, while giving way to the looting of its treasures and artifacts, and the improper practices of the faith and of Orthodox dogma.

Mindful of this regrettable blemish on the Church, as well as driven by a genuine concern to save it from continuing turbulence, a few true sons of the Church founded the Council of Peace and unity of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church. The Council resolved to bring the Church back to its normalcy by embarking on a mission that would beget peace and reconciliation between the Holy Synod in Ethiopia and the Legal Holy Synod led by His Holiness Abune Merkorios in North America. Nevertheless, a small group of Archbishops within the Addis Ababa Synod, squashing the voices of the majority membership of that Synod, thwarted the peace and unity mission by announcing a statement that in effect wrecked the chances of bringing about the desired unity of the Church. ln its content, not only was the announcement one unexpected of Orthodox Fathers, but also lacked truth, clarity, and integrity of intent; given these facts, therefore, the Exiled Synod has no choice but to issue this statement of declaration to the adherents of the faith in the interest of disclosing the true circumstances that led to the division of our Church and the ramifications thereof.

A. Concerning the Exile of the Patriarch 
 
The statement issued by a small group of archbishops, after silencing the voices of the majority membership of the Addis Ababa Synod under the pressure of the regime's mighty force, made a bogus claim describing His Holiness Patriarch Markorios's alleged voluntary abdication of his throne in these terms: ''The heavy load of my work has affected my health condition for quite some time and thus I submit that the Holy Synod take over the helm of authority and lead the church." This false claim, in effect, was a ploy to create confusion among the faithful about the true nature of the Patriarch's removal from the throne. As such, the Orthodox community should be aware of these cardinal facts:
Even if the Patriarch were to declare that "l am ill and wish to abdicate my authority," the decision to quickly force the election of a new Patriarch was done in violation of the canon law governing the Church, as denoted in Article 4, No. 77, which states that "an election cannot be conducted until the full recovery of the Patriarch from his illness.". ln fact, the above referenced Article was put into full effect in the case of our first patriarch, His Holiness Abune Basliose, who was under ailment for about seven years and unable to discharge the duties of the Patriarchate fully. At the time, the great leaders of our Church, strictly adhering to the canon law, elected an Acting Patriarch to lead the Church while the reigning Patriarch was still ill. Eventually, following his death, the Synod elected His Holiness Abune Tewofilos as the second Patriarch of the EOTC in accord with the tradition and practices of the Church.
Furthermore, it should be clearly evident to everyone concerned that neither a letter nor a recorded voice exists that conforms to the purported statement of the exiled Patriarch with regard to his alleged illness, and the voluntary abdication of his throne thereof. Therefore, in the absence of any credible evidence, other than the unsubstantiated allegation, it should be obvious that the Patriarch was indeed forced out of his position under the orders of the regime's security forces.

It is also ironic that the esteemed Fathers in Addis Ababa also claim that "The Holy Synod is a righteous body guided by the Holy Spirit, and, therefore, Patriarch Abune Merkorios's voluntary abdication of his position should be seen as a way of divine intervention, or a secret rneans to an end of his reign." Although the true believers of the Church are already privy to the fact of this matter, we still want to expound further on this issue by listing these authenticated details:
  1. Mr. Tamerat Layne, the then-Prime Minister of the new government that came to power in 1991 (1983 E.C.), declared at the time that the regime would not wish to work with the Patriarch. lt was subsequently resolved that, until such time that the new rulers stabilized the political uncertainty engulfing the country, the "Holy Synod should operate as is but with the Patriarch's role being limited only to providing prayers and blessings," which in effect meant stripping him of his normal duties as the Head of the EOTC;

  2. ln a letter dated Meskerem 28, 1984 E.C. (Oct, 1992) and numbered 69/298184, the regime illegally issued an order to the Patriarch to vacate his office at the Patriarchate;

  3. Subsequent to that order, His Holiness was forced out of his official residence by security forces on Meskerem 30, 1984 E.C. (Oct, 1992) and practically remained under house arrest in an undisclosed area of Addis Ababa for one year;

  4. Still, in a letter dated Tir 15, 1984 E.C. (January 24, 1992), the Patriarch informed the then-President of the Transitional Government of Ethiopia, Melese Zenawi, PM Tamerat Layne, all members of the Holy Synod, and the Executive Director of the EOTC Patriarchate, affirming that there was no illness nor any other impediments that would prevent him from discharging fully and ably his Holy duties, adding that the esteemed Fathers of the Holy Synod knew perfectly about his ability to do so;

  5. Despite His Holiness's plea against his forced removal, the regime-orchestrated appointment of Abune Paulos as the fifth Patriarch was executed in violation of the canon law of the Church. ln the aftermath, the group that forcefully took over the Church's chain of command placed the legal Patriarch in a life-threatening predicament, forcing him to stay in the underground basement of a burial site at an Entoto church, not too far from the capital city. Gravely concerned about the personal safety and security of the Patriarch, some faithful put together a plan that would escort him clandestinely on Tekimit 1, 1985 E.C. (October 12,1993) to neighboring Kenya through Moyale, a border town between Ethiopia and that country;

  6. ln Tikimt 1985 E.C. (October 1993), His Holiness announced to all followers of the Orthodox faith around the world via radio and through a press release from his exile in Kenya that he is still the legal Patriarch of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church; and

  7. The events that we have outlined above were finally validated in recent times, thanks to both the current President of Ethiopia, His Excellency Girma Wolde Giorgis, and former Prime Minister Tamerat Leyane, who publicly corroborated the forced removal of the Patriarch in no uncertain terms. Even more importantly, we do have in our possession original documents that further offer evidence substantiating the facts enumerated above. ln fact, we are ready any time to show these authentic, historic documents to anyone seeking them. Despite these undeniable facts, however, the Holy Synod in Addis Ababa continues to deny the truth and still insists on alleging that His Holiness "voluntarily abdicated his throne," a claim that was made in the most recent statement issued from Addis Ababa. Meanwhile, we wish to reiterate that the faithful should not by any means be fooled by an assertion that is devoid of truth, as well as an outright falsification of facts and events.
 
B. Concerning the Continuance of the Legal Holy Synod in Exile
 
ln the same statement of declaration, the minority within the Addis Ababa Synod has accused us of "establishing a Synod in exile contrary to any historical precedence known to Orthodox religion," Yet we found this to be disingenuous in the sense that it was not intended to address the issues associated with the forced removal of the Patriarch. The esteemed Fathers even went as far as declaring that "Without the permission of the Holy Synod, even the celebration of Fasika (Fthiopian Easter) outside of the Archdiocese of the Church is prohibited based on the canonical law of the Church." To confuse the faithful, they further cited the most venerated religious figures of Orthodox Christianity, such as Pope.Saint Athanasius, St. Yohanes Afework and Pope Saint Dioscorus, to validate their point, contending that these past saintly Fathers did not establish a Synod in exile, even though they were banished from their church in which they held the highest position of a Pope or a Patriarch. However, the reference to such great Orthodox saints disguises the truth, since it can only be relevant to a church in which its stability and sanctity, as well as its basic principles of faith, have not been compromised; as such, the cases of the saintly Fathers thus cannot be reasonably used to describe the crisis in our Church, which has fallen under the control of a seemingly "foreign" force that is not only hostile to the Orthodox faith but also has consciously breached the canon law of the Church. Let us now look at the cases of the three great Orthodox Fathers as they relate to the establishment of a synod in exile:
  1. Saint Athanasisus, Saint Yohanes Afework, and Saint Dioscorus were all exiled as individuals, not as part of a group of high clergymen. As everyone who is familiar with Orthodox hierarchy knows, no one individual or a Patriarch alone is authorized to establish a Synod, run a Patriarchate, and consecrate new bishops. ln this connection, both Saint Yohanes Afework and Saint Dioscorus were placed under house arrest in exile, and this meant that they did not even have the freedom to act on simple religious matters, let alone establishing a Synod or appointing bishops. ln fact, their saintly biographies reveal that they lived the rest of their lives in prison and passed away without ever gaining their freedom.
  2. His Holiness Abune Merkorios, by contrast, was forced into exile along with his fellow Archbishops, including His Eminence Abune Yisehaq, Archbishop of the Western Hemisphere; Abune Elias, Archbishop of Europe, Africa and Australia; Abune Zena Markos, Deputy Patriarch; Abune Gorgorios, Archbishop and Special Secretary to the Patriarch; and Abune Mekesedek, who at the time was Dean of the Theological College of the Holy Trinity and current General Secretary of the Holy Synod in exile. The exiled Fathers together established the Synod in exile, and have since expanded their missionary work, and will continue to do so as the legal Ethiopian Orthodox ecclesiastical body in North America. Given these facts, the futile attempt by the Synod in Ethiopia to liken our situation to the cases of the cited saintly Orthodox Fathers is masked in distortion of facts. Moreover, their pronouncement lacks the integrity that the Almighty God has bestowed on them as disciples of his teachings, while at the same time exposing the faithful to utter confusion and falsehood.
Another historical fact begs further explanation to counter the argument that the Addis Ababa Synod has made. When Saintly Father Athanasisus, Patriarch of Alexandria, was exiled five times, at no time did his followers attempt to fill the leadership void created by replocing him with another person. In fact, when the rulers of Constantinople tried to force upon them someone on their "religious Father," they vehemently rebuffed that order, thereby remaining true to their belief rather than acquiescing to the regime's demands. During the fourth century, our religious forefathers in Axum took a similar action by rejecting the accusations made against Saint Athanusius by Constantinople. Likewise, when Saint Yohanes Afework was falsely accused and forced into exile, his follawers cried out for his return and never accepted his replacement with an open arm. Upon his death, even his accusers felt so remorseful about what they did to him that they cried and pleaded in these words, "Forgive us our Father," but never mocked at him as their ex-Patriarch.

Similarly, Saint Dioscorus, who accepted his exile with grace and saw his suffering as a source of religious atonement, sent his followers a message of exaltation reminding them that "the fruits of the true religian are vested in you," a message that resonated with them for as long as he was alive; it was a reminder that they believed in him until eternity, as they never wavered from what he taught them, and still recognized him as their leader even when the rulers of Constantinople named a replacement for him without their consent. As their loyalty to Saint Dioscorus was unflinching, it was passed from generations to generations in the annals of Orthodox history. Yet those who followed the orders of Constantinople accepted the replacement af Pope Dioscorus and took a different route that made the religious division bona fide.

ln keeping with the traditions established by our great Orthodox Fathers - Saint Athanasius, Saint Yohanes Afework, and Saint Dioscorus - His Holiness Abune Merkorios has continued in exile his godly work more resolutely than ever. The Almighty God has blessed him to be of great service to the followers of the faith, as he leads a group of devout Archbishops,12 of whom he appointed personally, who perform faithfully God's work throughout the Diaspora Orthodox community. The Legal Synod he leads has helped establish a growing number of churches that are now under the umbrella of the Patriarchate, while at the same time making it possible for the faithful to have their spiritual needs served well. The affiliated churches are growing in number; the missionary work of the Synod is more expanding than ever; the faithful are attending church services in greater numbers more than any other time; and a strong base for communities of Ethiopian Orthodox faith throughout the Diaspora is being established with great fervor. Above all, our community is more prepared than before to build a strong Orthodox foundation; to leave a legacy that gives vibrancy to Ethiopia's Orthodox faith; to revitalize its unique history; and to pass these vital societal hallmarks to the generations to follow.

C. Concerning the Peace and Unity Mission

The Council of Peace and Unity of the Ethiopion Orthodox Tewahedo Church embarked on a mission of peace and unity, mediating between the Holy Synod in Ethiopia and our Synod so as to unite the divided church through reconciliation. With the blessings of His Holiness Abune Merkorios and the Synod's full endorsement of this effort, a team of representatives was named to present our case. Three conferences took place over the last three years involving our team and representatives from the Addis Ababa Synod. Throughout the course of time, the peace and unity mission was greeted overwhelmingly by almost all Orthodox Tewahedo believers both at home and abroad and was awaited with a great sense of hope and optimism.

ln Ethiopia, the majority of the Synod's membership, the clergy, Sunday School pupils and many others concerned individuals and organizations all saw the reconciliation efforts with great fanfare and exaltation. However, the statement issued by the Holy Synod in Addis Ababa, following the talks in Dallas, was such that it not only undermined the process of the reconciliation mission but also presented facts that were deceiving and distorted. ln essence, that statement characterized our position in terms that were outright false. ln it, the Addis Ababa Synod misrepresented the Legal Synod's position describing it in these terms: "There is no such thing as peace and unity within the Church unless we control the Patriarchate," an outright lie that had no credible support, Given this backdrop then, what actually took place during the peace talks? What was the agenda considered for the negotiation? To answer these and other related questions, the following points must be clearly understood:
  1. At the outset, we found out that the team representing the Holy Synod in Addis Ababa had neither the will nor the authority to propose or accept ideas during the course of the negotiation. They presented the same old and debunked argument that "Abune Merkorios abdicated his throne voluntarily and that the Church must now move to selecting the sixth Patriarch," a position that gave no room for further discussion because they had no authorization from Addis Ababa to do anything otherwise;

  2. Since the Addis Ababa Synod has come under the direct control of the regime in power, the peace and unity mediation was doomed from the start, as was evident in the provocative statement released by the Synod that was detrimental to the negotiation even before the team had a chance to report to the entire Synod on the progress of the talks. On one hand, a team was sent to Dallas purportedly to negotiate with us, but at the same time the Acting Patriarch in Addis Ababa was making a statement in an interview over the media that was counterproductive to the negotiation, which in effect gave a clue about the malicious hand of the regime in the affairs of the Church, and therefore was really an effort in futility even to begin with; and

  3. The team representing the Legal Synod in North America, by contrast, was charged with a full authority to negotiate with its counterpart and thus made every effort toward the settlement of the outstanding issues that created the divide within our Church. During the negotiation, we adopted a good measure of flexibility in our bargaining posture, proposing what we thought was a workable solution that would both address the breach of the canon law and yet offer due recognition to the reigns of both the legal Patriarch and the one that was placed on the throne in violation of Orthodox practices. To this end, our team proposed the reinstatement of the legal Patriarch to his former position, so that he will finish up his reign without any lasting damage to the canon law, and then to be followed with the selection of the six Patriarch when the vacancy becomes legally available. However, the latest announcement issued by the Synod in Addis Ababa made it clear that they never had the true intentions of finding solutions to the problem. ln fact, they appeared to play "the number game," arguing that reinstating the legal Patriarch now, the fourth in the order of appointment, after the fifth Patriarch (the late Abuse Paulo's) is going "backwards in the numbering order" and thus unworkable, which we found it to be a disingenuous way of looking at the issue at hand as well as a clear indication of not wanting to find a real solution to a real problem.
After probing the retrogressing behavior of the Synod in Addis Ababa subsequent to the Dallas meeting, it became apparent to us that five of that Synod's Archbishops have taken full charge of making the decision, thereby overshadowing the voices of the entire Synod; they are active members of the ruling party and thus charged with stymieing the peace and unity mission. We also discovered that each had an ambition to become a Patriarch, and therefore it would not have been in their personal interest to support the peace and unity effort even from the start. Any possible return of the Patriarch to his throne would have apparently gone contrary to their plot, as well as to the wishes of the regime to which they report.

From the facts stated in the foregoing, it becomes crystal clear that a small but powerful clique of the Woyane regime, which orchestrated illegally the removal of His Holiness Abune Merkorios from his throne 21. years ago, is still in charge and continues to disgrace our Church.

ln fact, this ruling clique is more determined than ever to subject our Church to relentless infamy; destroy the sanctity of the Church itself as we know it; and weaken the spiritual resiliency of the devout believers of the Orthodox Tewahedo faith.

Taking into account the events described above, the Legal Holy Synod in North America examined thoroughly the state of the EOTC in both Ethiopia and the Didspora and has passed the following resolutions:
  1. Since His Holiness Abune Merkorios is still the legal Patriarch of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church, the Holy Synod in exile condemns any illegal enthronement of a Patriarch for the EOTC in Ethiopia, because it would be a serious contravention of the Church's canon law;
  2. For more than 21 years, our Church has undergone a crisis of historic proportions, as a government-led coup d'etat against the legal Patriarch was put into effect, leading to the illegitimate ascension of the late Abune Paulos to the throne and the division of the church thereafter. That regrettable action was being repeated again, as five members of the Holy Synod in Addis Ababa, using the power of the regime, were mobilizing forces to install a "Patriarch" of the regime's choice. Thus, based on the orders enshrined in the decrees of the Holy Book, the Synod directs that the true believers of the Orthodox faith, forever and in unison, oppose to, not recognize, or refuse to comply with the appointment of a "false Patriarch" in Ethiopia. The Synod further implores that the true Fathers of the Church in Ethiopia, especially those who stood their grounds for the peace and unity of the Church, refrain from participating in these questionable and ungodly exercises, which are indefensible in the court of both history and the Almighty God;
  3. The Legal Holy Synod is deeply saddened by the fact that all those who stand for the peace and unity of our Church, including our religious Fathers, the clergy, organized Orthodox groups, and the faithful at large in Ethiopia, are being subjected to threats, intimidation or warnings, often coming from government operatives that oppose the return of the legal Patriarch to Ethiopia. These criminal practices against the Orthodox community are part and parcel of the sufferings that all other citizens in Ethiopia are being subjected to under the current regime in Addis Ababa. We are cognizant that our country is at a crossroads of political and social crises and that we pray to the Lord, so the suffering of our people will come to an end. Meanwhile, we are hopeful that Ethiopia will resurrect itself, and our Church will soon regain its freedom from the shackles of bondage. Meanwhile, the Synod wishes to counsel that the faithful engage at all times in activities that not only advance unity and peace for our Church but also foster a sense of fellowship and harmony between and among both the clergy and the laity. We hope you do so with greater care, wisdom, and stronger religious convictions;
  4. The Synod was dismayed to learn that the political gang that had been waging a war of attrition on our Church for more than two decades has made recently the most ungodly claim of having "uprooted the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewhaedo Church from its foundation while annihilating the Amhara benefactors." Besides allowing alien religious forces to undermine our faith, distorting EOTC's positive contributions to Ethiopia's history, encouraging Orthodox believers to turn against their own faith, this seemingly godless clique is running a government bent on destroying our heritage as proud Ethiopians. The statement quoted above offers clear evidence that Ethiopia and particularly our historic Church is under grave danger and that the regime has neither good intensions nor goodwill for people of the Orthodox faith, as would have been expected under a government of national unity. With this being the case, the Synod urges all the faithful to join forces to engage in prayers and vigils so as to publicize this danger while pleading to our Creator to give us solace and strength to save our Church from further destruction;
  5. We believe that the Holy Synod is the messenger of hope and goodwill, and stands for what is right and what is always acceptable unto God. As an ecclesiastical body advancing the work of God, the Holy Synod abominates any practice that begets racism, ethnicism, or any other discriminatory treatment of human beings. ln Ethiopia today, the pitfalls of ethnic-based rule are causing havoc on our society. Even the most celebrated monastery, Waldiba, has not been immune from the misfortune befalling Ethiopia today, Dozens of monks and celibates are being persecuted for resisting the government's desecration of the holiest of the holy site in that country. "The shrine and sanctity of our grand monastery must not be trampled with," cry out the monks of Waldiba, but the response from the regime was a swift and merciless action of intimidation, physical abuse and imprisonment of those God-fearing Orthodox celibates. This meant that the monks in Waldeba have joined the ranks of journalists, human rights advocates, and political prisoners who are all languishing in prison for voicing their ideas, and, in the case of the monks, for objecting peacefully to the demolition of their sacred and holy sanctuary; consequently, they all have become victims of government abuse and official oppression. Given that the regime has caused untold atrocities on every segment of our population, the Synod has resolved to take a stand and become an advocate for those whose freedom and liberties are being crushed in Ethiopia. Ironically, this has come at a time when the federal holiday commerating the birthday of the most celebrated African American civil rights leader, The Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, was before us. The issue of civil rights and liberties in Ethiopia is one that we intend to publicize to the rest of the world using every available means at our disposal, as Dr. King had done decades ago. ln keeping with the tradition of our own great Orthodox Fathers of the past, who sacrificed their lives for their religious beliefs, including the martyred Abune Pateros, Abune Michael, and the great Patriarch Abune Tewoflos, we in the Exiled Synod, guided by His holiness Patriarch Abune Merkorios, have resolved that we will stand for the freedom of our people in Ethiopia and work toward peace and unity of our Church, relying on the power of God and His blessings. There should not be any doubt that the survival our country is directly tied to the survival of our Church, and thus any weakening in our faith will undoubtedly have a direct bearing on the survival our beloved country, as well. Therefore, we call on all Ethiopians, especially those with strong ties to their country of birth, to rise up in unison and join us in solidarity and unity to voice our cries for freedom and liberty in the country that we all cherish so dearly and collectively;
  6. To effectively carry out the objectives outlined above, the Holy Synod-in-Exile has restructured the Patriarchate and made some readjustment to its priorities. Accordingly, our plan to expand the number of Archdioceses and consecrate additional Bishops, which was on hold due to the now defunct peace and unity bid, will now go forward with new force and vigor. To this end, the Synod has strengthened the Office of the Patriarchate by appointing a three-member executive body charged with coordinating and monitoring the day-to-day operations of member churches throughout the globe; it consists of a General Manger, an Executive Secretary, as well as a Public Relations Officer. Yet this new direction will require the full participation of the faithful particularly in the Diaspora. Your ideas, prayers, and generous financial support are all critical to make a difference in executing the plan that has been put forward, and so the Synod is hoping that your will respond positively to our call for action;
  7. During the last several years, the Exiled Synod has made a sincere effort to bring together the divided Church and the faithful in the Diaspora with some success, but still much remained to be accomplished. During the same period, many of the faithful and several churches had hoped that the divide within the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewhaedo Church would come to an end through reconciliation and thus chose to remain neutral until that happened. However, that hope was dashed when the Synod in Addis Ababa aborted the peace and unity mediation efforts. Given this backdrop, the Holy Synod has now resolved that it has the moral obligation to bring all the Orthodox faithful and neutral churches under a reinvigorated Holy Synod that caters to the spiritual needs of the Orthodox community at large. By so doing, the Synod's guiding principles will be "one country, one people and one church." With this in mind, we pray that the faithful and those churches that are not affiliated with the Synod will join us to make this a reality. To those who are true helievers of the Orthodox faith, are genuinely concerned with crisis facing our Church, and have great ideas to rescue the Church from its current predicament, we call upon you once again to stand up for freedom and liberty of the Orthodox faithful as well as the sanctity of our Church. Since the Synod has established a special taskforce to find ways that will bring all the divided churches in the Diaspora into unity, the group assigned for this purpose is ready to meet and discuss with representatives of neutral churches and others to build the groundwork that will be necessary to nurture unity, solidarity, and fellowship amongst our people;
  8. The Synod believes that it has the responsibility of educating and informing international organizations, religious communities, human rights organizations, and governments around the work about the brutalities to which our clergy and our people at home are subjected. With this in mind, we have established a taskforce, consisting of members from among the Archbishops, the clergy, and the laity, the charge of which will be to give testimonials at international forums, as well disseminate information as necessary to publicize the danger that our Church is facing;
  9. The recently announced statemont by the Holy Synod in Addis Ababa came from a small group of Archbishops who are in cahoots with the regime, and was made by suppressing the voices of reason expressed by others within the Synod. The statement sent shockwaves throughout the Diaspora Orthodox community that was awaiting for good news, with unprecedented fervor, to see the divide within the EOTC coming to an end. However, the crisis facing the Church will only come to pass once we receive some redemption from our Lord. Our Church, throughout its history, has gone through many tribulations and historical adversities, one of which was the destruction inflicted on it and its treasures by Gran Mohamed. Many Orthodox scholars and believers have lost their lives in defense of our Church during this period of sheer destruction that lasted 15 years. After the passage of that tumultuous period, the Church is still a symbol of "light in the midst of darkness.". Even with the current crisis, the Synod asks you---the faithful --not to lose hope but to pray and plead to our Almighty God for salvation. Having accepted the commandment of the Holy Spirit, the Holy Synod has taken up the moral obligation to propagate the words of the Gospel through a rejuvenated missionary program and reach out to the Orthodox faithful throughout the diaspora. As commended in the verses of the Holy Bible "Comfort ye, comfort ye my people, saith your God" (lsaiah 40:1," the Holy Synod is ready with new energy and zeal to comfort those that need to be comforted; those designated to do the missionary work of the Synod will be at your service from here on;
  10. Despite a three-year effort to bring peace and unity to our Church, which was finally thwarted by a small cadre of Archbishops who act as regime operatives within the Addis Ababa Synod, the Synod-in-Exile extends a heartfelt appreciation to the Council of Peace and Unity of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church for being so benevolent in their mediation and sacrificing their precious time, energy and resources for a noble cause that has both national and international implications;
  11. At the same time, the Synod has resolved that the selection of the 6th Patriarch that was underway should be halted immediately because the silent majority within the Addis Ababa Synod was not in favor of it, nor the mediators and the faithful at large. We think that the peace and unity effort should take precedence over the selection of a Patriarch, who would be just as illegitimate as the one before him. Therefore, we are still acquiescent to the peace and unity mission, so that the divide within our Church can be overcome once and for all, and we are ready to do our part to bring a historic end to that divide; and
  12. The Los Angeles meeting concluded with the final blessings of His Holiness Abune Merkorios, Patriarch of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. Hosted by the clergy, the board, and members of the Dingil Mariam Orthodox Tewahedo Church in Los Angeles, the meeting was received with great enthusiasm and patronage. For this, the Synod gives special thanks to all the members of that Church; we are deeply indebted to the hospitality and graciousness that they exhibited during the course of the meeting.