By
Felix Horne
April 14, 2016
April 14, 2016
The Ethiopian government is cracking down on journalists and NGOs.
Where's the outrage from the international community?
Since November, state security forces have killed hundreds of protesters
and arrested thousands in Oromia, Ethiopia’s largest region. It’s the biggest
political crisis to hit the country since the 2005 election but has barely
registered internationally. And with the protests now in their fifth month,
there is an almost complete information blackout.
A teacher arrested in December told me, “In Oromia the world doesn’t
know what happens for months, years or ever. No one ever comes to speak to us,
and we don’t know where to find those who will listen to our stories.”
Part of the problem is the government’s draconian restrictions on news
reporting, human rights monitoring, and access to information imposed over the
past decade. But restrictions have worsened in the last month. Some social
media sites have been blocked, and in early March security officials detained
two international journalists overnight while they were trying to report on the
protests. As one foreign diplomat told me, “It’s like a black hole, we have no
idea what is happening. We get very little credible information.”
With difficulty, Human Rights Watch interviewed nearly 100 protesters.
They described security forces firing randomly into crowds, children as young
as nine being arrested, and Oromo students being tortured in detention. But the
Ethiopian media aren’t telling these stories. It’s not their fault. Ethiopian
journalists have to choose between self-censorship, prison, or exile. Ethiopia
is one of the leading jailers of journalists on the continent. In 2014 at least
30 journalists fled the country and six independent publications closed down.
The government intimidates and harasses printers, distributors, and sources.
International journalists also face challenges. Some do not even try to
go because of the personal risks for them, their translators, and their
sources. And when they do go, many Ethiopians fear speaking out against
government policies—there are plenty of cases of people being arrested after
being interviewed.
Diaspora-run television stations have helped fill the gap, including
the U.S.-based Oromia Media Network (OMN). Many students in Oromia told me that
OMN was one way they were able to learn what was happening in other parts of
the region during the protests. But since OMN began broadcasting in March 2014
it has been jammed 15 times for varying periods. Radio broadcasts are also
jammed–as international broadcasters like Voice of America and Deutsche Welle
have experienced intermittently for years.
In December OMN began transmitting on a satellite that is virtually
impenetrable to jamming. But security forces then began destroying private
satellite dishes on people’s homes. Eventually the government applied pressure
on the satellite company to drop OMN, which has now been off the air for over
two months.
Social media has partially helped fill the information gap. Photos of
injured students and videos of protests have been posted to Facebook,
particularly in the early days of the protests. But in some locations the
authorities have targeted people who filmed the protests on their phones. At various
times in the last month, there have been reports of social media and
file-sharing sites being blocked in Oromia, including Facebook, Twitter, and
Dropbox. Website-blocking has been documented before – in 2013, at least 37
websites with information from Ethiopia were blocked. Most of the sites were
operated by Ethiopians in the diaspora.
Independent non-governmental organizations that might be reporting what
is happening face similar restrictions. The government’s Charities and
Societies Proclamation of 2009 virtually gutted domestic nongovernmental
organizations that work on human rights issues. The independent Human Rights
Council released a report on the protests in March. It was a breath of fresh
air, but the council released it at great risk. As the first report from
Ethiopian civil society on an issue of great political significance, it was a
damning indictment of the limits of freedom of expression in Africa’s
second-largest country, with a population of 100 million.
The government may believe that by strangling the flow of information
coming out of Oromia it can limit international concern and pressure. And so
far the response from countries that support Ethiopia’s development has been
muted. The deaths of hundreds, including many children, have largely escaped
condemnation.
Yet the government’s brutally repressive tactics cannot be contained
behind Ethiopia’s information firewall for long. The sooner the government
recognizes this and acts to stop the mass arrests and excessive use of force,
the better the outlook for the government and the affected communities.
The government—with the assistance of its allies and partners—needs to
support an independent investigation of the events in Oromia, commit to
accountability and justice for the victims, and start dismantling the legislative
and security apparatus that has made Ethiopia one of the most hostile places
for free expression on the continent. What’s happening in Oromia has long-term
implications for Ethiopia’s stability and economic progress, and Ethiopians and
the world need to know what is happening.
Felix Horne is the Ethiopia researcher at
Human Rights Watch.
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